Recently, I gave a talk about Cypriot antiquities rescue. Afterwards, (at least previously) TRNC Honorary Representative Kufi Seydali protested, and
someone accused me of a 'masterpiece in political propaganda'; that's now in Turkish-language newspapers across Europe. This is my first attempt to defend myself and my work.
My paper and its receptionOn Friday (the 9th of April), I presented a paper on
Cypriot Antiquities Rescue from the Turkish Deep State: the Rescue of Forgeries, and the Death of Stephanos Stephanou, at the International Conference on
Archaeology in Conflict, in Vienna, Austria.
In the session on the Illicit Trade in Cultural Property and Internet Sales, we were short on time, so I cut my paper just before presenting it. As I was worried about misquoting my sources, I read it out (poor academic etiquette), and as I hate speaking publicly anyway, I read it very quickly.
In the session discussion, 'a Turkish Cypriot' (who did not state his name or any affiliation), who had come only to hear my talk (1), protested many things. He accused me of presenting the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as a 'criminal' state, and the Turkish Cypriots as 'the worst criminals in the world'.
I corrected the Turkish Cypriot commentator, invited him to talk afterwards and, at the end, waited outside. After the session ended, a Turkish Embassy counsellor, who had also come only to hear my talk (1), spoke to the Turkish Cypriot, then approached me. We talked, and the counsellor made no complaint; but he left a pile of generic propaganda in the conference coffee room.
Newspapers' and websites' re-presentationThe next day, the conference ended, I said goodbye to friends and colleagues and, the next morning, took the 28-hour train from Vienna via Budapest and Belgrade to Thessaloniki, and from there the 3-hour bus to Ioannina. And when I arrived, I found an e-mail from Turkish Cypriot Near East University Prof. Ata Atun (copied to my primary supervisor).
As I have not had a reply to my correction of the claims in the e-mail, I have not (yet) asked to quote it, and thus I will not. Regardless, corrections to the amusingly inaccurate claims in the e-mail were the least of my worries; knowing that Prof. Atun was also a part-time journalist, I Googled '
"Sam Hardy" "Stephanos Stephanou"'.
First, I found an anonymous post about
Archaeology in Conflict in the Turkish Forum. (It was dated to the 9th of April (the day of the paper), but posted on the 10th.) Importantly, it named the Turkish Cypriot commentator, Kufi Seydali.
Then I found
İngiliz Akademisyenin Yalanları [the English Academic's Lies] (reposted in the Turkish Forum, from
Ata Atun's website, on the 11th of April).
The same day, Atun also posted it on the Turkish Cypriot
Kıbrıs 1974 website; and it was published in Turkish Cypriot
Açık Gazete,
Başaran Press and
KKTC Medya, Turkish
Haber Cumhuriyeti,
Haber TE,
Samsun Haber and
Trakya Net Haber Gazetesi, and German
Aytürk.
The next day, it was republished in Turkish Cypriot
Kıbrıs Gazetesi,
Kıbrıs Postası and
Kıbrıs Rota Gazetesi, and Turkish
Demokrat Mersin Gazetesi and
ROGG ve NOK Haber Merkezi; it was also reposted on Turkish journalist
Ahmet Akyol's website. [It was published by the Azerbaijani Baku Strategy Research and News Centre (
Bakı Strateji Araşdırmalar və Xəbərlər Mərkəzi).]
[The day after that, it was posted on the Turkish Ataturkist (Atatürkçü)
Seeangel website.]
On the 15th of April, it was published in my neighbourhood newspaper, British (Turkish Cypriot)
Avrupa Gazetesi (which is a nationalist newspaper, not to be confused with liberal "Turkish Cypriot Turkish Cypriot"
Afrika Gazetesi (which was previously called
Avrupa Gazetesi)). If I were in London now, I would have walked to
Avrupa's offices to complain.
[On the 18th of April, it was published in that week's edition of the Turkish national newspaper
Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi.
On the 19th of April, it was published in German Turkish newspaper,
Hür Yorum Gazetesi.]
'Time... to be organised'Atun concluded that:
Artık organize olmamızın zamanı gelmiştir. Bizler de dünyaya kendi doğrularımızı anlatabilmeli ve onların önüne Kıbrıs'ın gerçeklerini sermeliyiz.
Sam Hardy'nin e-mail adresi "[silinmiş]" ve tez hocası Prof. [silinmiş]'un e-mail adresi "[silinmiş]" dir. Lütfen bu adreslere protestolarınızı iletin ve Sam Hardy'in Kıbrıslı Türkler ile ilgili söylediklerinin doğruları yansıtmadığını belirtin.
[Now the time for us to be organised has come. We must tell our own truths to the world, and lay out in front of them Cyprus's realities.
Sam Hardy's e-mail address is "[deleted]" and his thesis supervisor Prof. [deleted]'s e-mail address is "[deleted]". Please deliver your protests to these addresses and state that Sam Hardy's comments with regard to the Turkish Cypriots did not reflect the truths.]
Yet the only protest I have received was Atun's own.
As a friend observed, 'it means that people are more mature than [Atun] thinks they are'. Nevertheless, the defamations have been published in four countries spanning Europe (so far), including in my local rag. I have to try to correct them and prevent their spread.
Kufi SeydaliAs I mentioned before, the Turkish Cypriot commentator was actually Kufi Seydali.
Seydali is the President of the
World Turkish-Cypriot Federation and/or the Vice-President of the
World Cyprus-Turkish Associations Congress, and the President of the
European Cyprus-Turkish Associations Congress.
Furthermore, he is the President of the
Friends of the TRNC, and also a Representative of
Turkish Cypriot Associations (Overseas) (not the Association of Turkish Cypriots Abroad (ATCA)(?)).(2)
Moreover, Kufi Seydali is (or at least was) an Honorary Representative of the
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) (or of the
pseudostate), as well as a Member of the Advisory Board of the
Turkish Forum, on which the original anonymous English-language defamation was published (from Vienna, on the day of my talk and his comment).(2)
Ata AtunApart from being a professor at Near East University, and a journalist, Ata Atun has been an adviser of then (nationalist) Democratic Party's (3) President
Serdar Denktaş, and a Political Consultant of the TRNC's then (nationalist) National Unity Party (4) government's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs (5) (during Democrat Party leader Rauf Denktaş's presidency).(2)
Turkish Forum claimsSince this is the first time I've had to defend myself against a(n internationally, formally) published defamatory attack, I'm not quite sure what to do or how. Here, I will reproduce the initial, English-language attack in the Turkish Forum, with
[bracketed] notes identifying the worst distortions in the text, and specific corrections afterwards.
As touching as it is to hear that Kufi Seydali considered my talk a 'political thriller', and that Anonymous (2010) considered the paper a 'masterpiece' (albeit of 'political propaganda'), I will ignore the tone of the text.
There was a lot of emotive language, for example where (with my emphases) it accused me of 'creat[ing] a
mythical Greek hero, who was presented as an under-cover, Greek Cypriot police officer', and said that it was a '
preposterous claim that Kutlu Adali was also killed by the Turkish Deep State'; I will instead focus only on its positive factual claims.
Nevertheless, it is worth noting that, when replying to a comment I left on Anonymous's (2010) Turkish Forum post, Seydali stated that my paper title showed 'signs of manipulation by
Greek Cypriot under-cover agents of the type of Stephanou'.
Saying that I 'presented' Stephanou as an undercover policeman, Anonymous implied that Stephanou was
not; but evidently Seydali accepted that Stephanou was.
As I will demonstrate in the following corrections, Kufi Seydali showed a prior knowledge of the case, which affirmed my suspicion that he attended my talk specifically (not the session generally), and that he planned his intervention.
Anonymous (2010) claimed that,
Mr. Hardy's lecture turned out to be anything but academic and a veiled attack on the TMT and Turkish Cypriot State which was equated to some mythical and indefinable entity called "The Turkish Deep State", which was made responsible for all ills on Cyprus [absolutely false].
According to Mr. Hardy, until 1955 and under British colonial rule, everything was under control and that Cypriot Archaeological property was safe [possibly misunderstood]. Mr. Hardy then went on to say that with the Greek nationalist ENOSIS movement, there came about the TMT which was described as an extension of the Turkish Deep State. He went on to say that following the communal strife, the Turkish Cypriots had to live in Enclaves out of which with the help of the TMT within the enclaves and the help of the Greek Cypriots outside the enclaves, looted the archaeological riches of Cyprus were looted. He tried to excuse the poor Turkish Cypriots and the TMT who apparently did it for economic reasons and for financing their armed struggle against the Greeks.
Mr. Hardy, then went on to create a mythical Greek hero called Stephanos Stephanou, who was presented as an under-cover, Greek Cypriot police officer who clandestinely entered the North of Cyprus in order to rescue Cypriot cultural property (specifically? a very old and valuable Bible). According to Mr. Hardy, Stephanou had Turkish Cypriot accomplices who were also arrested and later released by Turkish Cypriot Police.
According to Mr. Hardy, Strephanou [sic] was deprived of his human rights and was tortured to death by Turkish Cypriot Police (= Turkish Deep State) [somewhat misleading]. He went on to make a preposterous claim that Kutlu Adali was also killed by the Turkish Deep State and for the same reason, i.e. for reporting thefts of Cypriot cultural property.
This lecture, while attempting to cover the attack on the TRNC, and trying to appear as if putting blame equally on both the Greek and Turkish Cypriot sides, it was a masterpiece in political propaganda using an international scientific forum to present the TRNC as an illegal and criminal entity [absolutely false].
Discussions, Comments & Questions
At the end of the 15. Lecture- series, Kufi Seydali (Turkish Cypriot) was allowed to critically comment on the lecture delivered by Sam Hardy of Sussex University.
Mr. Seydali introduced himself as a Turkish Cypriot who has been living in Austria for decades [somewhat misleading]. Seydali thanked the other speakers for their highly academic and balanced lectures on the subject of illicit trade (via internet) in cultural property.
However, Seydali begged for their understanding that he could not feel the same about Mr. Hardy's lecture which he described as a "political thriller". Seydali went on to explain his utter shock and disappointment in the face of such an attack on the Turkish Cypriots and their state.
Seydali started to question Hardy's initial statement about the British Colonial record, and asking the question, where did all the antiquities in the British Museum of Central London came from? Egypt, India, Cyprus and other ex-colonies, perhaps? Seydali said, don't take my word, go and see for yourselves as Archaeologists.
Seydali then went on to explain the sufferings of the Turkish Cypriots who were, for 11 years (1963 – 1974), pushed into enclaves making a proud 3% of Cyprus' total territory. How is it possible, he asked, that a small community imprisoned into 3% of Cyprus and beleaguered by the Greek army and Greek Cypriot armed elements, and under UN observation, could do such damage to the cultural heritage of Cyprus? Is it possible, he asked?
Seydali went on to explain further how unjustified and untrue Hardy's claims were. Seydali asked, how is it possible that in all big Turkish Cypriot townships there exist Archaeological Museums under the control of a Ministry in charge for culture? He went on to tell the audience that the Greek Cypriot Archbishop Hrisostomos had visited the Archaeological and Icon Museum in Güzelyurt, North Cyprus (Omorfo) in 2008, during which he could not hide his surprise and amazement at the work well done by Turkish Cypriot Archeologists and State. Seydali also added that the Eastern Mediterranian University (EMU) cooperated within the framework of relevant UNESCO conventions and many European experts such as Prof. Zeischka, Dr. Bartelheim, and Prof. Pernicka, in order to protect archelogical sites and Fundus [sic - finds]. Seydali asked the Archeologists present to visit Northern Cyprus and see for themselves or at least get in touch and talk to the Turkish Cypriots about the difficult task they are faced with in protecting their cltural [sic - cultural] and archeological heritage.
Finally, Seydali explained how painful and unjust he found the attacks by Mr. Hardy on the Turkish Cypriot Resistance Movement (TMT) whose sole function was to defend the Turkish Cypriot community against Greek-Greek Cypriot attacks [absolutely false]. He concluded by saying that after the creation of the TRNC, TMT ceased to exist [somewhat misleading] and has nothing to do with the so-called "Turkish Deep State" [absolutely false], a relatively new, medial expression used within Turkey [somewhat misleading].
Furthermore, he added that Stephanou was visited by UN officers and Doctors, and that he had been tortured is just not true, and that the death of Mr. Kutlu Adali had nothing to do with Mr. Staphanou or archaeology, and the subject of this conference [somewhat misleading].
He thanked the organisers for allowing him to comment, and thanked the Scientists for listening to his comments.
Vienna, 09.04.2010
Turkish Forum correctionsKufi Seydali's professional statusFirst of all, Anonymous (2010) noted that 'Mr. Seydali introduced himself as a Turkish Cypriot'; but like Seydali's introduction itself, Anonymous's description was somewhat misleading, since he did not introduce himself as
Kufi Seydali (or as a representative of the TRNC or of Turkish Cypriot advocacy/lobby groups/organisations).
British colonial illicit antiquities tradeAt least, it is possible that Kufi Seydali misunderstood what I said about British colonial cultural property protection. I did not say that it was 'under control' '
until 1955' (Anonymous, 2010 - emphasis added); I said that there was a 'long history of antiquities looting' in Cyprus, and that it was only under control '
by 1955' (emphasis added), that is, after 77 years of British colonial rule.
The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus's legal statusI did not 'present the TRNC as an illegal and criminal entity' (Anonymous, 2010). I never once referred to the legality or status of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) (6).
TMTAnonymous paraphrased Seydali that 'the Turkish Cypriot Resistance Movement [
sic] (TMT)''s 'sole function was to defend the Turkish Cypriot community against Greek-Greek Cypriot attacks.
Yet, for example, on the 23rd of May 1962, TMT assassinated Turkish Cypriot
Cumhuriyet journalists Ayhan Hikmet and Muzaffer Gürkan for exposing TMT's false flag bombings of Bayraktar Mosque and Ömeriye Mosque (An, 2005: 6; CyBC, 2006: 39-40).
And on the 11th of April 1965, TMT assassinated two bicommunalist trade unionists, Turkish Cypriot Derviş Ali Kavazoğlu and Greek Cypriot Costas Mishaoulis (An, 2005: 6; Papadakis, 2003: 260).
Those were not acts of communal self-defence. The one Greek Cypriot, Mishaoulis, never attacked the Turkish Cypriot community. Hikmet, Gürkan, Kavazoğlu and Mishaoulis were trying to preserve peaceful bicommunal coexistence, and were murdered to prevent them achieving their aim.
TMT and the Turkish Deep StateSupposedly, 'after the creation of the TRNC, TMT ceased to exist and has nothing to do with the so-called "Turkish Deep State", a relatively new, medial expression used within Turkey' (Seydali, paraphrased by Anonymous, 2010).
Yet 'the STK established TMT [TMT'yi STK kurdu]' (
Radikal, 2008). The STK was the Tactical Mobilisation Group, also known as the Special Warfare Department (ÖHD), or Counter-Guerrilla (7), whose 'most important actions... were the three military coups' against democratic governments of Turkey (Çelik, 1994).
In an article titled
the Fraternity of the Gladio-Ergenekon Path (NATO's Operation Gladio having established para-state secret armies across post-war Europe, and Ergenekon being one para-state faction within the Turkish Deep State), Turkish newspaper
Radikal (2008) explained how,
Dönemin Başbakanı Adnan Menderes ve Dışişleri Bakanı Fatin Rüştü Zorlu'nun talimatıyla Genelkurmay'a bağlı Özel Harp Dairesi'nde EOKA'ya karşı bir örgüt kurulması kararı alındı. 1957'de Türk Mukavemet Teşkilatı (TMT) kuruldu.
[On the order of that period's Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and Foreign Minister Fatih Rüştü Zorlu, a decision was taken in the Special Warfare Department connected to the General Command to create an organisation against EOKA. In 1957 the Turkish Resistance Organisation (TMT) was established.]
The 'Turkish secret army' ran 'special operations in Cyprus' (Ganser, 2005: 226), and 'organised' the invasion in 1974 (Çelik, 1994), during which the Turkish government 'did not always
know' what was happening (Callaghan, 1987: 347 - emphasis added), let alone
control it.
(Furthermore, according to Turkish Cypriot journalist Yusuf Kanlı (2007), TMT was 'conver[ted] into the Turkish Cypriot Security Command'(8); so it did continue to exist.)
I did not 'equat[e the Turkish Cypriot State] to some mythical and indefinable entity called "The Turkish Deep State"' (Anonymous, 2010), and I did not hold even the Turkish Deep State 'responsible for all ills on Cyprus'.
I (possibly, over-)simplified the Turkist Deep State as 'involving Turkish Cypriot leaders and their paramilitary TMT, which was part of the underground Turkish Special Warfare Department (ÖHD) (Hiçyılmaz, 2001a; 2001b)'; but I very deliberately refused to blame the Turkish Cypriot administration.
Indeed, I explicitly categorised the 'plunderers' as 'Turkish and Turkish Cypriot
nationalist gangs, which form a Turkist deep state, which operates
outside and beyond Turkish state control' (Hardy, 2010 - emphasis added).
Stephanos Stephanou's deathAnonymous (2010) said that I said that 'Strephanou [
sic] was deprived of his human rights and was tortured to death by Turkish Cypriot Police (= Turkish Deep State)'.
I never said that Stephanou had been deprived of his human rights. I never said that Stephanou had been tortured. I never said that the Turkish Cypriot Police was the Turkish Deep State. I never
said the Turkish Deep State when I
meant the Turkish Cypriot Police, or vice versa.
I stated that, '[a]s antiquities smuggling is a serious crime, Turkish Cypriot police were legally able to detain Stephanos Stephanou without charge (9)', and I believed that the Turkish Cypriot Police acted 'in good faith' (in Turkish, 'iyiniyetle').
In the introduction, I mentioned 'possible police brutality'. Later, I noted the possibility that 'he may have been taken [to hospital] for treatment for violent injuries', because:
The last time his family saw him conscious, Stephanou had told them that 'his entire left side was severely bruised and he could neither walk nor breathe in comfort.... [H]e was in great pain' (Christou, 2007d).
His daughter, Katerina Liasis, relayed that Stephanou had said that 'he had been "beaten heavily and interrogated"' (Brennan, 2008).(11)
Intriguingly, Anonymous (2010) paraphrased Seydali that 'Stephanou was visited by UN officers and Doctors, and that he had been tortured is just not true'. I never mentioned that UN officers and doctors had visited Stephanou. Seydali evidently knew Stephanou's case very well
before I read my paper.
I excluded the
autopsies confusion from my conference paper; but, critically,
Greek Cypriot administration pathologist Eleni Antoniou's 'post mortem showed that Stephanou... had been beaten while in custody' (Christou, 2007c); she categorised him as 'the "victim of a beating"' (Kathimerini, 2007), though she didn't say whether he had been beaten to death or not....
And my well-placed Greek Cypriot source (2009: Pers. Comm. – e-mail) claimed that '[t]he UN doctor agreed with him [the Stephanou family's private pathologist, Panos Stavrinos] in surgery and disagreed in [the] report'....
Furthermore, my well-placed Greek Cypriot source (2009: Pers. Comm. – e-mail) claimed that,
During the official [Greek Cypriot] autopsy by Helen Antoniou here in our side she came out of the morgue and told [people]... that the deceased died from a heart attack probably caused by severe beatings with punches and possibly kicks (!) causing the ribs to break... making breathing impossible... leading to heart attack.
That was why, in the end, I concluded that the 'Turkish deep state' had 'murder[ed]' Stephanou.
ConclusionI really hope that I have clearly corrected Anonymous and Kufi Seydali's misinterpretations and misrepresentations (as well as clarifying any confusing matters, and explaining any over-simplified statements).
Nevertheless, it may be to no avail, because, as Seydali (2010) observed in his Turkish Forum comment, '[o]f course, you may continue to deliver your polit-thriller but you will never be quite sure that I will not be
listening to you.'
- I assume that the Turkish Cypriot commentator and the Turkish Embassy counsellor came only to hear my talk, because they did not come on other days, even though there were other papers on Turkey.
- As they merely affirm public information, I didn't include the links revealing Kufi Seydali's or Ata Atun's identities in my bibliography.
- Demokrat Parti (DP)
- Ulusal Birlik Partisi (UBP)
- KKTC Başbakan Yardımcısı ve Dış İşleri Bakanına Politik Danışmanlık görevi
- Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti (KKTC).
- Seferberlik Taktik Kurulu (olarak da bilinen Özel Harp Dairesi (ÖHD); ya Kontr-Gerilla).
- Güvenlik Kuvvetleri Komutanlığı (GKK).
- A Turkish Cypriot judge would have had to approve Stephanou's detention three times in those fourteen days: once by the second day; once by the fifth – after his first visit to hospital; and once by the thirteenth – the day before he died.
Continued detention must be approved by a judge 'not later than twenty-four hours after [the suspect's] arrest', and 'not later than three days from such [approval]', the suspect must be released or remanded in custody (awaiting trial), when '[t]he judge may remand him in custody for a period not exceeding eight days at any one time' (CATRNC, 1985: Chapter 2, Article 16).
That could have continued for three months, though that would have been truly exceptional (USBDHRL, 2008); even 'Turkish criminal law only permits 7.5 days' detention before charge' (Liberty, 2007: 5). Already, Stephanou's 14 days' detention had been nearly twice that.
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http://www.virtualict.com/~erpicorg/images/attachments/Erpic%20Files/Cyprus%20Problem/Forms%20of%20Cypriotism%20in%20the%20Turkish%20Cypriot%20Community,%20etc.docAnonymous. 2010: "Archaeology in conflict".
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Hür Yorum Gazetesi, 19. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir:
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