I agree with Ralph Waldo Emerson, 'sometimes a scream is better than a thesis'; but I can't submit a scream. And as Ogden Nash observed, 'progress might have been all right once, but it has gone on too long'; I just want it to be over and done with.
Blogging had been interesting and enjoyable, and helpful in my work (even if I'd never done it very regularly); but I don't have either the time or the attention span to do it (at all) at the moment. I've got to submit my thesis by the end of September.
J. Frank Dobie said that 'the average Ph.D. thesis is nothing but a transference of bones from one graveyard to another'. I was just about to finish creating a beautiful ceremonial cemetery; now I'm hurriedly disinterring the remains and dumping the disarticulated bones in a shallow grave.
[Also posted on samarkeolog.]
Saturday, 31 July 2010
Monday, 12 July 2010
Forum Archaeologiae: Archaeology in Conflict papers
Short versions of the papers from the International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict are available at Forum Archaeologiae.
The Forum includes Friedrich Schipper's preface on Dublin - Ramallah - Vienna: Archaeology in Conflict as a Developing Issue and Schipper and Magnus Bernhardsson's introduction to Archaeology in Conflict: Setting the Agenda.
Personally, three outstanding papers were:
Hardy, S A. 2010: "Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish Deep State: The rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou". Paper presented at the World Archaeological Congress International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict, Vienna, Austria, 6th-10th April.
The Forum includes Friedrich Schipper's preface on Dublin - Ramallah - Vienna: Archaeology in Conflict as a Developing Issue and Schipper and Magnus Bernhardsson's introduction to Archaeology in Conflict: Setting the Agenda.
Personally, three outstanding papers were:
- Michael Bletzer's on Commemorating the 'Common Man' as an Ethical Research Goal in Conflict;
- Erik Nemeth's on the Art of Cultural Intelligence: Intelligence for Countering Threats to Cultural Property in Conflict; and
- Daniel Dante Saucedo Segami's on Archaeology and Social Conflict: Illegal Appropriation of Land and Protection of Archaeological Heritage in Peru.
Hardy, S A. 2010: "Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish Deep State: The rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou". Paper presented at the World Archaeological Congress International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict, Vienna, Austria, 6th-10th April.
Thursday, 8 July 2010
Davlos/Kaplıca, Cyprus: my baby love graffiti
There is a painting of a love-struck heart and a dedication to "my baby" on the walls of the Chapel of Agios Sozomenos, outside Davlos/Kaplıca; and they may be especially interesting graffiti.
The bicommunal architectural survey of Cyprus Temples found: 'The tiles of the roof have been removed. There is no belltower. The altar is demolished.' Its doors and windows are also missing; its interior is a wreck (see image 1).
There are a lot of graffiti inside and out, including an intriguing engraving of an eye (see image 2); but I'm even more interested in the romantic graffiti.
Image 1: the gutted and graffitied interior of the chapel.
Image 2: eye engraving on the chapel wall.
On the west wall (image 3a), there is Serkan's name and an inscription to 'my baby [bebişim]' (see image 3b). On the south wall (image 4a), there is Murat's name and a painting of a heart pierced by an arrow, a love-struck heart (see image 4b).
Both of those names are male names; and uniquely amongst all of the graffiti, the names and the associated painting and inscription are in pink paint; again uniquely amongst all of the graffiti, bebişim and the love-struck heart have been crossed out in red paint. Notably, both of the names have been left untouched; only both of their declarations of love have been crossed out, erased, denied.
There is also an unfinished but still crossed-out word to the right of Murat's name, which began with "B"; it may have been another inscription to "my baby" (see image 4b).
Image 3a: the west wall of the chapel.
Image 3b: cropped, colour saturated photograph of Serkan's name and 'my baby' inscription upon the western chapel wall.
Image 4a: the south wall of the chapel.
Image 4b: cropped, colour-saturated photograph of Murat's name and love-struck heart painting on the southern chapel wall.
It seems possible that these are gay Turkish Cypriot or Turkish settler graffiti; and that homophobes have crossed them out.
The bicommunal architectural survey of Cyprus Temples found: 'The tiles of the roof have been removed. There is no belltower. The altar is demolished.' Its doors and windows are also missing; its interior is a wreck (see image 1).
There are a lot of graffiti inside and out, including an intriguing engraving of an eye (see image 2); but I'm even more interested in the romantic graffiti.
Image 1: the gutted and graffitied interior of the chapel.
Image 2: eye engraving on the chapel wall.
On the west wall (image 3a), there is Serkan's name and an inscription to 'my baby [bebişim]' (see image 3b). On the south wall (image 4a), there is Murat's name and a painting of a heart pierced by an arrow, a love-struck heart (see image 4b).
Both of those names are male names; and uniquely amongst all of the graffiti, the names and the associated painting and inscription are in pink paint; again uniquely amongst all of the graffiti, bebişim and the love-struck heart have been crossed out in red paint. Notably, both of the names have been left untouched; only both of their declarations of love have been crossed out, erased, denied.
There is also an unfinished but still crossed-out word to the right of Murat's name, which began with "B"; it may have been another inscription to "my baby" (see image 4b).
Image 3a: the west wall of the chapel.
Image 3b: cropped, colour saturated photograph of Serkan's name and 'my baby' inscription upon the western chapel wall.
Image 4a: the south wall of the chapel.
Image 4b: cropped, colour-saturated photograph of Murat's name and love-struck heart painting on the southern chapel wall.
It seems possible that these are gay Turkish Cypriot or Turkish settler graffiti; and that homophobes have crossed them out.
Thursday, 3 June 2010
Akçam's opinion: Turkish Forum, Deep State
Concentrating on Ata Atun's allegations of an 'English Academic's Lies', I neglected professional propagandist Kufi Seydali's Masterpiece in Political Propaganda in the Turkish Forum. By accident, I rediscovered Turkish historian Taner Akçam's claim that the Turkish Forum has connections to the Turkish Deep State.
Examining his own persecution, Akçam's opinion was that:
Obviously, while I'm proud to have earned such enemies, I'm not keen to cross them.
I will continue to defend myself here, and in academic work; but I may not argue with Seydali in the media, because it would only offer Seydali opportunities to repeat his libels, and give nationalists chances to remember my resistance, and thus it would make me an easier target for nationalist campaigns.
Akçam, T and Schilling, P. 2007: "Is it still genocide if your allies did it?" Minnesota Law and Politics, 20th December. Available at: http://www.lawandpolitics.com/minnesota/Is-It-Still-Genocide-if-Your-Allies-Did-It/cef7381e-fe46-102a-aeb9-000e0c6dcf76.html
Hardy, S A. 2010: "Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish deep state: the rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou". Paper presented at the International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict, Vienna, Austria, 6th-10th April. Available at: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
[I added line breaks to long quotations to make them easy to read in a blog post; but the quotations themselves remain word-for-word the same.]
Examining his own persecution, Akçam's opinion was that:
The group who organizes the campaign against me in Turkey and here in the U.S. is a part of what we call the "Deep State," the military-bureaucratic complex.... behind the campaign to discredit Genocide scholars....Kufi Seydali is a member of the Senior Advisory Board Committee of the Turkish Forum, and the Chairman of its Advisory Board Committee on Issues of Turkish Cyprus and Western Thrace.
Here in the U.S. there are some groups organized and controlled mostly by Turkish diplomats. I can give three names:
- ATAA (Assembly of Turkish American Associations);
- Turkish Forum (an e-mail group, coordinated between different initiatives in different states in the U.S.) and a Web site,
- TallArmenianTale.com (one of the most popular Armenian Genocide denial sites).
Obviously, while I'm proud to have earned such enemies, I'm not keen to cross them.
I will continue to defend myself here, and in academic work; but I may not argue with Seydali in the media, because it would only offer Seydali opportunities to repeat his libels, and give nationalists chances to remember my resistance, and thus it would make me an easier target for nationalist campaigns.
Akçam, T and Schilling, P. 2007: "Is it still genocide if your allies did it?" Minnesota Law and Politics, 20th December. Available at: http://www.lawandpolitics.com/minnesota/Is-It-Still-Genocide-if-Your-Allies-Did-It/cef7381e-fe46-102a-aeb9-000e0c6dcf76.html
Hardy, S A. 2010: "Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish deep state: the rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou". Paper presented at the International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict, Vienna, Austria, 6th-10th April. Available at: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
[I added line breaks to long quotations to make them easy to read in a blog post; but the quotations themselves remain word-for-word the same.]
Wednesday, 2 June 2010
"Stone Age Greek" Kythrea, "Turkish Cypriot" Değirmenlik - lazy propaganda
I just came across a nice example of lazy propaganda about cultural heritage, lazy nationalist claims about a village - "Stone Age Greek" Kythrea, or "Turkish Cypriot" Değirmenlik.
After the war of 1974, the occupying power, the Turkish Armed Forces, erected a statue of Atatürk in formerly Greek Cypriot Kythrea/Değirmenlik. Then, a Turkish soldier claimed that it had been a Turkish village 'turned into a Greek one after years of persecution', finally restored by the Turkish invasion (paraphrased by ROCPRUN, 1974c: 4).
The Republic of Cyprus Permanent Representative to the United Nations countered that 'this claim [wa]s totally untrue. No Turkish Cypriot ever inhabited Kythrea which has always been inhabited by Greeks since the stone age, as shown conclusively by recent archeological findings' (ROCPRUN, 1974c: 4-5).
"Turkish Cypriot" Değirmenlik
Kythrea had been a Maronite Cypriot village, which 'adopted Islam' in the Eighteenth Century (Hourani, 2007: 16); so, it had been a Turkish Cypriot village. (And the Greek Cypriot Orthodox Church 'confiscated' a Maronite church (Hourani, 2007: 18).
But by 1960, Kythrea/Değirmenlik was neither Maronite Cypriot nor Turkish Cypriot; there were 2,907 Greek Cypriots, and 43 Turkish Cypriots (Goodwin, 1978: 475). So, technically (because more than 90% of the inhabitants were Greek Cypriot), it had become a "wholly" Greek Cypriot village.
Nonetheless, some Turkish Cypriots still inhabited Kythrea. They were driven out by the intercommunal violence, and thus the 98.54% Greek Cypriot, 1.46% Turkish Cypriot village was "turned into" a (100%) Greek Cypriot village.
"Stone Age Greek" Kythrea
As for the archaeology, immediately before the Greek Cypriot claim, archaeological findings suggested that 'the Mycenaeans' - in nationalist histories, ancient ethnic Greeks - 'had made their appearance in Cyprus as early as the seventeenth century B.C. and settled on the island as early as the fourteenth century' (Spyridakis, 1973: 62).
Thus, the first "Greek" contact with Cyprus was in the Middle Bronze Age, and the first "Greek" settlement of the island was in the Late Bronze Age.
Immediately after the Greek Cypriot claim, by the archaeological findings, it 'quite obvious' from the archaeological record 'that the relations between the two islands [of Cyprus and Crete] cannot go beyond the Middle Bronze Age' (Karageorghis, 1979: xi).
"Eteocypriots"
Indeed, recent official Greek Cypriot propaganda proudly proclaims that, 'through to the Bronze Age it [Cyprus] developed lively, independent prehistoric cultures' (Karageorghis, 2000: 45).
Yet these independent, indigenous "Eteocypriots" were also propaganda, albeit British, 'the offspring of imperialist manipulation and academic collaboration' (Given, 1998: 4). Sadly, this attempt to 'deflect Greek nationalism in Cyprus towards an invented "Cypriot patriotism"' was not simply a 'complete failure' (Given, 1998: 24).
"Indigenous Eteocypriots"' mythical existence has in fact been completely assimilated and converted into (potentially even more virulently) nationalistic "evidence" of Greek Cypriots' ultimate indigeneity.
In that ideology, it is no longer a struggle/compromise between earlier and later immigrants, but between Eteocypriot-Mycenaean Cypriot-Greeks and Muslim Ottoman Turkish Cypriots.
From that perspective, "Turkish Cypriots" are the only settler community (and only a settler community), eternally foreign, and without any say in the running of their "host society" (e.g. in its enosis with Greece).
Propaganda and scholarship
Given (1998: 5) rightly warned against 'a total division between "propaganda" and "scholarship"', because 'we all work and write in specific political contexts'. I agree with him, but I think there are circumstances in which we can still identify propagandists, rather than merely 'historically situated individuals' (Given, 1998: 5).
Anyone can unknowingly misinterpret the available evidence because they are politically misguided (or for many other reasons); but when they consciously contradict the available evidence, and/or when they knowingly manipulate the available evidence, in order to promote an ideology, the authors are propagandists.
Given, M. 1998: "Inventing the Eteocypriots: Imperialist archaeology and the manipulation of ethnic identity". Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, VOlume 11, Number 1, 3-29.
Goodwin, J C. 1978: An historical toponymy of Cyprus. Nicosia: Jack C. Goodwin.
Hourani, G G. 2007: An abridgement of the history of the Cypriot Maronite community [draft]. Nicosia: Republic of Cyprus Ministry of Education. Available at: http://www.maronitesofcyprus.com/upload/20080819/1219131385-15439.pdf
Karageorghis, V. 1979: "The relations between Cyprus and Crete, 2000-500 B.C.: A general survey". In Karageorghis, V, (Ed.). Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium "the Relations between Cyprus and Crete, ca. 2000-500 B.C.", Nicosia, 16th April-22nd April 1978, xi-xiv. Nicosia: Republic of Cyprus Department of Antiquities.
Karageorghis, V. 2000: "Cyprus: The coming of the Greeks". In CPCHC (Committee for the Protection of the Cultural Heritage of Cyprus), (Ed.). Cyprus: A civilization plundered, 42-49. Athens: the Hellenic Parliament.
ROCPRUN (Republic of Cyprus Permanent Representative to the United Nations). 1974c: Letter dated 26 November 1974 from the Permanent Representative of Cyprus to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General [Ref. 74/71, 26th November 1974]. New York: United Nations Security Council.
Spyridakis, K. 1973: "The Mycenaeans in Cyprus". In Karageorghis, V, (Ed.). Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium "the Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean", Nicosia, 27th March-2nd April 1972, 62-67. Nicosia: Republic of Cyprus Department of Antiquities.
After the war of 1974, the occupying power, the Turkish Armed Forces, erected a statue of Atatürk in formerly Greek Cypriot Kythrea/Değirmenlik. Then, a Turkish soldier claimed that it had been a Turkish village 'turned into a Greek one after years of persecution', finally restored by the Turkish invasion (paraphrased by ROCPRUN, 1974c: 4).
The Republic of Cyprus Permanent Representative to the United Nations countered that 'this claim [wa]s totally untrue. No Turkish Cypriot ever inhabited Kythrea which has always been inhabited by Greeks since the stone age, as shown conclusively by recent archeological findings' (ROCPRUN, 1974c: 4-5).
"Turkish Cypriot" Değirmenlik
Kythrea had been a Maronite Cypriot village, which 'adopted Islam' in the Eighteenth Century (Hourani, 2007: 16); so, it had been a Turkish Cypriot village. (And the Greek Cypriot Orthodox Church 'confiscated' a Maronite church (Hourani, 2007: 18).
But by 1960, Kythrea/Değirmenlik was neither Maronite Cypriot nor Turkish Cypriot; there were 2,907 Greek Cypriots, and 43 Turkish Cypriots (Goodwin, 1978: 475). So, technically (because more than 90% of the inhabitants were Greek Cypriot), it had become a "wholly" Greek Cypriot village.
Nonetheless, some Turkish Cypriots still inhabited Kythrea. They were driven out by the intercommunal violence, and thus the 98.54% Greek Cypriot, 1.46% Turkish Cypriot village was "turned into" a (100%) Greek Cypriot village.
"Stone Age Greek" Kythrea
As for the archaeology, immediately before the Greek Cypriot claim, archaeological findings suggested that 'the Mycenaeans' - in nationalist histories, ancient ethnic Greeks - 'had made their appearance in Cyprus as early as the seventeenth century B.C. and settled on the island as early as the fourteenth century' (Spyridakis, 1973: 62).
Thus, the first "Greek" contact with Cyprus was in the Middle Bronze Age, and the first "Greek" settlement of the island was in the Late Bronze Age.
Immediately after the Greek Cypriot claim, by the archaeological findings, it 'quite obvious' from the archaeological record 'that the relations between the two islands [of Cyprus and Crete] cannot go beyond the Middle Bronze Age' (Karageorghis, 1979: xi).
"Eteocypriots"
Indeed, recent official Greek Cypriot propaganda proudly proclaims that, 'through to the Bronze Age it [Cyprus] developed lively, independent prehistoric cultures' (Karageorghis, 2000: 45).
Yet these independent, indigenous "Eteocypriots" were also propaganda, albeit British, 'the offspring of imperialist manipulation and academic collaboration' (Given, 1998: 4). Sadly, this attempt to 'deflect Greek nationalism in Cyprus towards an invented "Cypriot patriotism"' was not simply a 'complete failure' (Given, 1998: 24).
"Indigenous Eteocypriots"' mythical existence has in fact been completely assimilated and converted into (potentially even more virulently) nationalistic "evidence" of Greek Cypriots' ultimate indigeneity.
In that ideology, it is no longer a struggle/compromise between earlier and later immigrants, but between Eteocypriot-Mycenaean Cypriot-Greeks and Muslim Ottoman Turkish Cypriots.
From that perspective, "Turkish Cypriots" are the only settler community (and only a settler community), eternally foreign, and without any say in the running of their "host society" (e.g. in its enosis with Greece).
Propaganda and scholarship
Given (1998: 5) rightly warned against 'a total division between "propaganda" and "scholarship"', because 'we all work and write in specific political contexts'. I agree with him, but I think there are circumstances in which we can still identify propagandists, rather than merely 'historically situated individuals' (Given, 1998: 5).
Anyone can unknowingly misinterpret the available evidence because they are politically misguided (or for many other reasons); but when they consciously contradict the available evidence, and/or when they knowingly manipulate the available evidence, in order to promote an ideology, the authors are propagandists.
Given, M. 1998: "Inventing the Eteocypriots: Imperialist archaeology and the manipulation of ethnic identity". Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, VOlume 11, Number 1, 3-29.
Goodwin, J C. 1978: An historical toponymy of Cyprus. Nicosia: Jack C. Goodwin.
Hourani, G G. 2007: An abridgement of the history of the Cypriot Maronite community [draft]. Nicosia: Republic of Cyprus Ministry of Education. Available at: http://www.maronitesofcyprus.com/upload/20080819/1219131385-15439.pdf
Karageorghis, V. 1979: "The relations between Cyprus and Crete, 2000-500 B.C.: A general survey". In Karageorghis, V, (Ed.). Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium "the Relations between Cyprus and Crete, ca. 2000-500 B.C.", Nicosia, 16th April-22nd April 1978, xi-xiv. Nicosia: Republic of Cyprus Department of Antiquities.
Karageorghis, V. 2000: "Cyprus: The coming of the Greeks". In CPCHC (Committee for the Protection of the Cultural Heritage of Cyprus), (Ed.). Cyprus: A civilization plundered, 42-49. Athens: the Hellenic Parliament.
ROCPRUN (Republic of Cyprus Permanent Representative to the United Nations). 1974c: Letter dated 26 November 1974 from the Permanent Representative of Cyprus to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General [Ref. 74/71, 26th November 1974]. New York: United Nations Security Council.
Spyridakis, K. 1973: "The Mycenaeans in Cyprus". In Karageorghis, V, (Ed.). Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium "the Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean", Nicosia, 27th March-2nd April 1972, 62-67. Nicosia: Republic of Cyprus Department of Antiquities.
Tuesday, 1 June 2010
Events of September 2005, Istanbul
On 6th September 2005, a photographic record of the riots, from the Archives of Rear Admiral Fahri Coker: the Events of September 6-7 on their Fiftieth Anniversary [Tümamiral Fahri Coker'in Arşivinden: Ellinci Yılında 6-7 Eylül Olayları], was exhibited in Istanbul, and Turkish deep state agents attacked it (c.f. Ergener, 2005: 3n9; 4n11).
(It doesn't make sense to discuss this exhibition in my thesis if I don't discuss the Events of September 1955 in my thesis; and I don't have space for that, so I am blogging them both instead.)
The 2005 attackers' style so closely resembled that of the 1955 rioters in the photographs that they defaced, that it resembled an act of performative commemoration; they even had the same number of members in their team (c.f. Ergener, 2005: 1).
One of their slogans, 'Turkey is Turkish, will remain Turkish [Türkiye Türk'tür, Türk kalacak]' (cited in Ergener, 2005: 4), echoed one of the original rioters' slogans, 'Cyprus is Turkish, will remain Turkish [Kıbrıs Türk'tür, Türk kalacaktır]' (cited in Güven, 2005: 62).
Another slogan, 'love it or leave it [ya sev ya terk et]' (Ergener, 2005: 4), was a threat to the transgressive cultural heritage workers, like the History Foundation (1), and human rights workers, like the Helsinki Citizens' Assembly (2).
Strikingly, it used the same verb for "leave" that was used for Turkish Cypriots' terror-induced flight from their villages (e.g. KKTCC, 2007).
It was both a 'reaction against exposing evidence for... a crime [suça dair kanıtların ortaya çıkarılmasına... karşı bir tepkidir' (Ergener, 2005: 6).), and a 'threat made to those who betrayed a national secret [milli bir sırra [sic - sıra] ihanet edenlere savrulan bir tehdittir]' (Ergener, 2005: 6; 8).
Even after the destruction of heterogeneous community, cultural heritage – or the documentation of its remains – establishes the conditions of possibility of heterogeneity, and affirms the possibility of the resurrection of heterogeneous community.
That is why the Turkish deep state attacked both cultural heritage sites and archives of those sites, and threatened the cultural heritage workers who maintained those sites and those archives.
That is also why states (especially states of conflict-divided societies) must protect cultural heritage and support its documentation. It will be seen that both Cypriot administrations' cultural heritage work has ultimately colluded in the denial of gross human rights abuses (at least by omission), and thus colluded in the denial of the possibility of heterogeneous community.
Footnotes
Ergener, B. 2005: "'Ellinci Yılında 6-7 Eylül Olayları' sergisi ve sergiye yapılan saldırı üzerine [on the exhibition of 'Incidents of September 6th-7th on their Fiftieth Anniversary' and the attack on the exhibition]". Red Thread, Number 1. Available at: http://www.red-thread.org/dosyalar/site_resim/dergi/pdf/6471136.pdf
Güven, D. 2005: Cumhuriyet dönemi azınlık politikaları ve stratejileri bağlamında 6-7 Eylül olayları [the 6th-7th September events in the context of Republican period minority policies and strategies]. İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.
KKTCC (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı [Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Presidency]). 2007: "Erçakıca 'Mülkiyet Sorununu Kıbrıs Sorunundan ayırmak ve sadece Rumların Sorunu diye lanse etmek İnsafsızlık' [Erçakıca: 'it is an injustice to separate the Property Problem from the Cyprus Problem and to present it as only the Greeks' problem']". Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı [Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Presidency], 13. Haziran. Başlangıçta şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.kktcb.eu/index.php?tpl=show_announ&id=84 [son erişilen: 17. Ağustos 2009]
(It doesn't make sense to discuss this exhibition in my thesis if I don't discuss the Events of September 1955 in my thesis; and I don't have space for that, so I am blogging them both instead.)
The 2005 attackers' style so closely resembled that of the 1955 rioters in the photographs that they defaced, that it resembled an act of performative commemoration; they even had the same number of members in their team (c.f. Ergener, 2005: 1).
One of their slogans, 'Turkey is Turkish, will remain Turkish [Türkiye Türk'tür, Türk kalacak]' (cited in Ergener, 2005: 4), echoed one of the original rioters' slogans, 'Cyprus is Turkish, will remain Turkish [Kıbrıs Türk'tür, Türk kalacaktır]' (cited in Güven, 2005: 62).
Another slogan, 'love it or leave it [ya sev ya terk et]' (Ergener, 2005: 4), was a threat to the transgressive cultural heritage workers, like the History Foundation (1), and human rights workers, like the Helsinki Citizens' Assembly (2).
Strikingly, it used the same verb for "leave" that was used for Turkish Cypriots' terror-induced flight from their villages (e.g. KKTCC, 2007).
It was both a 'reaction against exposing evidence for... a crime [suça dair kanıtların ortaya çıkarılmasına... karşı bir tepkidir' (Ergener, 2005: 6).), and a 'threat made to those who betrayed a national secret [milli bir sırra [sic - sıra] ihanet edenlere savrulan bir tehdittir]' (Ergener, 2005: 6; 8).
Even after the destruction of heterogeneous community, cultural heritage – or the documentation of its remains – establishes the conditions of possibility of heterogeneity, and affirms the possibility of the resurrection of heterogeneous community.
That is why the Turkish deep state attacked both cultural heritage sites and archives of those sites, and threatened the cultural heritage workers who maintained those sites and those archives.
That is also why states (especially states of conflict-divided societies) must protect cultural heritage and support its documentation. It will be seen that both Cypriot administrations' cultural heritage work has ultimately colluded in the denial of gross human rights abuses (at least by omission), and thus colluded in the denial of the possibility of heterogeneous community.
Footnotes
- Tarih Vakfı
- Helsinki Yurttaşlar Derneği
Ergener, B. 2005: "'Ellinci Yılında 6-7 Eylül Olayları' sergisi ve sergiye yapılan saldırı üzerine [on the exhibition of 'Incidents of September 6th-7th on their Fiftieth Anniversary' and the attack on the exhibition]". Red Thread, Number 1. Available at: http://www.red-thread.org/dosyalar/site_resim/dergi/pdf/6471136.pdf
Güven, D. 2005: Cumhuriyet dönemi azınlık politikaları ve stratejileri bağlamında 6-7 Eylül olayları [the 6th-7th September events in the context of Republican period minority policies and strategies]. İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.
KKTCC (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı [Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Presidency]). 2007: "Erçakıca 'Mülkiyet Sorununu Kıbrıs Sorunundan ayırmak ve sadece Rumların Sorunu diye lanse etmek İnsafsızlık' [Erçakıca: 'it is an injustice to separate the Property Problem from the Cyprus Problem and to present it as only the Greeks' problem']". Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı [Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Presidency], 13. Haziran. Başlangıçta şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.kktcb.eu/index.php?tpl=show_announ&id=84 [son erişilen: 17. Ağustos 2009]
Monday, 31 May 2010
Events of September 1955, Greece, Turkey
The Events of September (1), in which a Turkish community place was attacked in Greece and then Greek community places were attacked in Turkey, are both intimately related to the Cyprus Conflict, and very instructive in understanding Cypriot cultural destruction.
Caveats
(Sadly, I don't have space in my thesis to discuss these events; but happily, now, I can blog it. [And, as aspectsofreality's grokked noted in the comment, the Wikipedia page on the Istanbul Pogrom goes into more detail.])
The intensive nature of the attacks led to study at the time and since, and the true history of the violence led to remarkable revelations, which have enlightened the murky events on the island.
Nonetheless, despite the extensive documentation and intensive research (for example by the photographer for the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, extreme Hellenist nationalist (2) Dimitrios Kaloumenos (1966)), estimates of destruction still vary widely (e.g., c.f. Güven, 2005: 34-37; Vryonis, 2005: 267-270).
Correspondingly, we must accept that we will never know the details of every act of violence against property in Cyprus; and that there will be some acts about which we will never know, and some claims that we will never be able either to verify or to invalidate. (It does not mean that they did not happen; it means that we do not know.)
Bombing and rioting
On 5th September 1955, the Turkish newspaper İstanbul Ekspres alleged that 'Greek terrorists [had] bombed Mustafa Kemal's house in Thessaloniki [Yunan teröristler Mustafa Kemal'in Selanik'teki evini bombalamıştı]' (İstanbul Ekspres, 5. Eylül 1955, cited in Kaplan, 2001; see also de Zayas, 2007: 147n5), by then, the Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Museum.
On 6th, the Cyprus is Turkish Association (KTC) (3) and the National Turkish Student Union (MTTB) (4) organised demonstrations (Kuyucu, 2005: 362), then around one hundred thousand Turks went on an orgy of 'rioting, destruction and looting' in Istanbul/Constantinople, and hundreds in Izmir/Smyrna and Ankara (Associated Press, 1955: 1).
There were smaller riots elsewhere from 7th, for example in Çanakkale/Dardanellia and Ískenderun/Alexandretta, where the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint Nicholas was dynamite bombed on 9th September (Associated Press, 1955: 15).
(For the most comprehensive study of the violence, see Turkish historian Dilek Güven's (2005) research into the 6th-7th September Events in the Context of Republican Period Minority Policies and Strategies [Cumhuriyet Dönemi Azınlık Politikaları ve Stratejileri Bağlamında 6-7 Eylül Olayları].)
Communist plots, British provocations
Turkish President Celal Bayar blamed a 'violent communist plot of provocation and aggression' (7th September 1955, cited in Kuyucu, 2005: 376). Turkish Communist involvement was 'impossible [olanaksız]' (Güven, 2005: 55); but British Government intrigue was not.
The previous year, the British Ambassador in Athens, Sir Charles Peake, had worried that Greek-Turkish relations were 'not favourable' and that it would have been possible to 'incite a turmoil' simply by 'inscribing a slogan... [on] the house where Ataturk was born' (cited in Güven, 2005: 214).
However, an unnamed British Foreign Ministry official noted that, '[i]f some revolts t[ook] place in Ankara that w[ould] suit our interest' (cited in Güven, 2005: 215).
It seems probable that the 'British Government provoked Turks' to attack (Güven, 2005: 215), in order to increase Greek-Turkish conflict, thereby to consolidate "peaceful" British occupation of Cyprus.
Victims' communities, communities of victims
The attacks were perceived as 'anti-Greek riots' (Associated Press, 1955: 1); even non-Greek victims, like the Jewish community, phrased them in exactly the same terms (e.g. Hirschberg and Cohen, 1971: Col. 1459); but the material evidence of destruction dispels this perception.
Alongside the 61 of 95 Greek Orthodox churches 'completely destroyed [tamamen tahrip edilmiş]', 1 Greek Catholic and 3 other churches were 'severely damaged [ağır zarara uğratılmıştır]', 3 of 33 Armenian churches were 'attacked [saldırıya maruz kalmıştır]', and 1 of 39 synagogues was 'attacked [saldırıya uğramıştır]' (Güven, 2005: 35).
Also, 1,954 (35.28%) of the 5,538 "officially" damaged homes and shops were non-Greek (Kuyucu, 2005: 378n5). Moreover, the United States Consulate estimated that the rioters may have 'attacked [saldırıya uğrayan]' 7,000 homes and shops (Hür, 2008b; see also Güven, 2005: 35).
Of those (possibly) 7,000 buildings, only 80% of the homes were Rum, while 9% were Armenian, 5% were Muslim and 3% Jewish; and only 59% of the shops were Greek, while 17% were Armenian, 12% Jewish and 10% Muslim (Hür, 2008b; see also Güven, 2005: 35).
The Muslim properties were also minority properties, 'places belonging to [syncretic/converted Jewish-Muslim] Dönme and [ethnically Turkic] Muslim Belarusians [dönmelere ve Müslüman olmuş Beyaz Ruslara ait mekanlar[ı]]' (Korkut, 2009).
Community places, nationalist targets
As well as to individuals' property, the American Consul General Arthur Richards recorded 'serious damage' to Rum 'community meeting quarters', at least 36 of the 48 Rum schools, and libraries (cited in d'Amato, 1995: S11792); Armenian cemeteries, too, 'got their share of destruction [saldırılardan nasibini almıştır]' (Hür, 2008b).
Meanwhile, 'several public soup kitchens' were 'demolished' (American Consul General Arthur Richards, 27th September 1955, cited in d'Amato, 1995: S11792).
In addition, both Rum newspaper presses, for Apogevmatini (5) and Tachydromos (6), were 'completely wrecked', while Embros (7) and 'Okroids [sic – Chronos]' (8), which did not have their own presses, had their offices respectively 'destroyed' and 'heavily wrecked' (American Consul General Arthur Richards, 27th September 1955, cited in d'Amato, 1995: S11792).
Monuments were 'smashed [tsakisthi [τσακισθή]]', and statues 'beheaded [apokefalisthi [άποκεφαλισθή]]' (Makedonia, 14i Septemvriou 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 25).
Furthermore, the Swedish Embassy, French, Italian, Austrian and German workplaces, and English cemeteries 'got their share of destruction [saldırılardan nasibini almıştır]' (Hür, 2008b; see also Güven, 2005: 37).
Moreover, in Izmir, the rioters not only 'set on fire [ateşe vermişler]' the Greek Consulate and 'looted [yağmalamış]' six Greek NATO officers' homes, but also attacked the British Cultural Institute, and even two British ships in port (Hür, 2008b; see also Güven, 2005: 26; 27).
Stages of violence
The Greek Consul General Vyron Theodoropoulos identified three steps of violence: first, the 'break[ing] down' of doors and windows; then 'pillage'; and finally, 'complete destruction' (cited in Vryonis, Jr., 2007).
Greek newspaper Makedonia recognised four phases: first 'smash[ing] [synetrive [συνέτριβε]]', second 'open[ing] or forc[ing] them open [tas inoige i tas dierrignye [τάς ήνοιγε ή τάς διερρήγνυε]]', then third 'looting [eleilatei [έλεηλάτει]]'; and sometimes, fourth, destruction (14th September 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 24).
Perpetrators
Another Greek newspaper, Ethnos, identified the destroyers as '[ç]etes [gangs] [Tsetes [Τσέτας]]' (9i Septemvriou 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 26).
And Makedonia observed that civilian-dressed military school naval cadets destroyed the Theological School of Halki (14i Septemvriou 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 24).
Within a week of the pogrom, then Turkish Foreign Secretary Mehmet Fuat Köprülü told the Turkish National Assembly that,
Greek-American historian Prof. Speros Vryonis Jr. (2007) characterised the 'most destructive pogrom' since the Nazi anti-Jewish pogrom of 9th-10th November 1938 as 'Krystallnacht in Constantinople'.
Former UN human rights lawyer Prof. Alfred de Zayas (2007: 137) characterised the pogrom as a 'crime against humanity', 'ethnic cleansing', and as 'demonstrably' an act of 'genocide' under the United Nations' (1948b: Art. 2) Convention on the Prevention and the Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
De Zayas (2007: 137) specifically stated that the 'vast destruction of Greek property' constituted 'evidence of the Turkish authorities' intent to terrorize' the Rum into 'abandoning the territory, thus eliminating' the community.
About 6,000 people were arrested, but only 228 convicted, those in military trials, and 'the true perpetrators were not among them [Bunların arasında gerçek failler yoktu]' (Hür, 2008b).
Deep State terrorism
In fact, the plotters had been President Bayar himself, alongside Democratic Party (9) Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and Foreign Minister Fatin Rüştü Zorlu (Time, 1960).
Furthermore, decades later, the head of the Special Warfare Department, General Sabri Yirmibeşoğlu, finally confessed that,
The bombers had been National Security Service (MAH/MEH) (10) officer Oktay Engin and Turkish Consulate official Hasan Uçar (Güven, 2005: 71).
The first (and false) report of the bombing had been in İstanbul Ekspres, whose editor was Democratic Party deputy and MAH agent Mithat Perin, who later wrote a letter to MAH 'listing the assignments he had undertaken for the organisation [örgüt için üstlendiği görevlen sıralıyor]' (Güven, 2005: 72).
The hatred and retribution-inciting Cyprus is Turkish Association (KTC) was dominated by Prime Minister Menderes' Democratic Party (Güven, 2005: 60-61).
And the KTC operated 'with the moral and financial support of the government of the Democratic Party [me tin ithiki kai oikonomiki ypostiriksi tis kyvernisis tou Dimokratikou Kommatos [με την ηθική και οικονομική υποστήριξη της κυβέρνησης του Δημοκρατικού Κόμματος]]' (Ozkirimli kai Sofos, 2008: 260).
Then the Democratic Party 'recruited', armed and transported the "rioters", the 'Turkish militia and police coordinated' them (de Zayas, 2007: 138), and they attacked sites planned on lists and 'marked with paint' (ibid.: 147n10).
Notably, '[t]he attackers got an order not to physically harm [Saldırganlar bedensel zarar vermemeleri için talimat aldık[lar]]' (Güven, 2005: 23).
It is believed that the attackers raped far more than 60 women (İstanbul Başkonsolosluğu Raporu [United States National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) 782.00/9-1255], 1st December 1955, cited in Güven, 2005: 39), but the unknown others 'hid the fact and avoided being treated in hospital [bu durumu gizlemiş ve hastanede tedavi olmaktan kaçınmış]' (Güven, 2005: 39).
And it is also believed that the attackers murdered 15 people (Helsinki Watch, 1992: 50, cited in Güven, 2005: 40).
Each of these crimes was a tragedy, but the total is remarkably low considering more than 100,000 armed nationalist extremists went on the rampage unhindered, and sometimes helped, by the police. The (widely-observed) ban on violence against persons made it explicit that the targets of the violence were not people but places.
Rioters' reasons
Some rioters were 'frenzied mobbers [eksalla stifi [έξαλλα στίφη]]' with 'demented expression[s] [ekfrasin allofrosynis [έκφρασιν άλλοφροσύνις]]' (Ethnos, 9i Septemvriou 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 26; A-Z (Basel), 15. September 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 30).
However, the riot was not a pure 'frenzy [cinnet]' (Ergener, 2005: 5). Some rioters were 'delight[ed] and content[ed] [çosku ve memnuniyet]', and posed for journalists' photographs (Ergener, 2005: 5).
Arts management specialist Balca Ergener (2005: 6) compared those photographs to ones of racist lynchings in the United States and of torture in occupied Iraq, which philosopher Susan Sontag (2004) categorised as 'souvenirs of a collective action [kolektif bir eylemin hatıralarıdır]' (Sontag, 2004, cited in Ergener, 2005: 6).).
It is possible to compare many of these rioters' acts to Pakistani Muhajir nationalist extremists' 'collective recuperation of masculinity' through violence (Verkaaik, 2003: 17), through which they took satisfaction in the 'humiliation and abasement of [their] victim[s] and the sense of power and dominance' (Seifert, 1996: 36; see also Bracewell, 2000: 565).
Yet, the rioters' violence cannot be conceived of as 'collective aggressive transgression' (Verkaaik, 2003: 17), because it was not merely the Cyprus is Turkish Association, nor the tabloid press, nor even "merely" the Democratic Party, who accepted and encouraged the pogrom, but – ostensibly – the state itself.
The Turkish deep state had usurped the Turkish state, and had convinced the mass of rioters that they were defending themselves, their community and their state, so they perceived no transgression even as they smashed, looted and burned their neighbours' homes.
In Kosovo, a community's architecture 'legitimated' its territorial claim, and 'damage to that architecture became damage to that claim' (Herscher and Riedlmayer, 2000: 111); but unlike in Kosovo (and Cyprus), in Turkey the victimised communities had no political control and had made no demands for it.
Urbicide
Even if the political problem is defined within a Turkist nationalist framework, so that the Greek Cypriot-Turkish Cypriot power struggle is subsumed within the Greek-Turkish power struggle, it is insufficient to explain the violence, because the Turkist nationalists did not only attack Greeks (or supposedly allied Armenians and Jews); they also attacked ethnically Turkish Muslims.
Thus, the Muslim as well as Christian and Jewish-victimising, Turkic as well as non-Turkic-victimising, building-targeting violence was not (primarily) genocidal, but urbicidal, aimed at the 'destruction of the conditions of possibility of heterogeneity' (Coward, 2009: 43).
The Turkish deep state did not destroy non-Turkish buildings in order to destroy minority communities, but in order to disintegrate the multicultural community and to displace the minority communities.
The Turkish deep state's primary aim of urbicide was also hinted at in its singular false flag attack on the Turkish Consulate in Thessaloniki; but it will be more clearly demonstrated by the Turkish/Turkish Cypriot deep state's and Greek/Greek Cypriot deep state's campaigns of false flag operations on the island.
Both deep states seriously damaged or destroyed their own cultural heritage sites precisely because their foremost wish was (obviously) not to destroy their own community, but to establish homogeneous communities and territories. The deep states could even cooperate with each other to force their ethnic kin in mixed communities to unmix.
The urbicidal logic will be further affirmed by the paramilitaries' territorially-limited fields of operation: after the partition of Cyprus in 1974, neither did the Turkish/Turkish Cypriot deep state attack "Greek" sites in southern Cyprus, nor did the Greek/Greek Cypriot deep state attack "Turkish" sites in northern Cyprus.
The deep states did not struggle to eliminate the other communities as such, but rather to eliminate the shared life of all and any communities within "their" (claimed) territories.
Footnotes
Bibliography
Associated Press (AP). 1955: "Shake-up in Turkey follows city rioting". The New York Times, 11th September, 1; 15.
Bracewell, W. 2000: "Rape in Kosovo: Masculinity and Serbian nationalism". Nations and nationalism, Volume 6, Number 4, 563-590.
D'Amato, A M. 1995: Senate Resolution 160 – Marking the Anniversary of the Anti-Greek Pogrom in Turkey, on September 6, 1955 [SRES 160 IS, 7th August 1995]. Washington, D.C.: United States Senate.
De Zayas, A. 2007: "The Istanbul pogrom of 6-7 September 1955 in the light of international law". Genocide Studies and Prevention, Volume 2, Number 2, 137-154.
Ekdoseos Epitropi (Publishing Committee). 1966: "Eisagogi [Introduction]". In Kaloumenos, D, (Sy.). I stavrosis tou Christianismou: I istoriki alitheia ton gegonoton tis 6-7 Septemvriou 1955 eis tin Konstantinoupolin [the crucifixion of Christianity: The historical truth of the events of 6th-7th September 1955 in Constantinople], 9-11. Athina: choris onoma [without name – i.e. publisher unknown]. [Εκδόσεως Επιτροπή. 1966: «Είσαγογή». Καλούμενος, Δ, (Συ.). 1966: Η σταύρωσις του Χριστιανισμού: Η ιστορική αλήθεια των γεγονότων της 6-7 Σεπτεμβρίου 1955 εις την Κωνσταντινούπολιν, 9-11. Αθήναι: χωρίς όνομα.]
Ergener, B. 2005: "'Ellinci Yılında 6-7 Eylül Olayları' sergisi ve sergiye yapılan saldırı üzerine [on the exhibition of 'Incidents of September 6th-7th on their Fiftieth Anniversary' and the attack on the exhibition]". Red Thread, Number 1. Available at: http://www.red-thread.org/dosyalar/site_resim/dergi/pdf/6471136.pdf
Güven, D. 2005: Cumhuriyet dönemi azınlık politikaları ve stratejileri bağlamında 6-7 Eylül olayları [the 6th-7th September events in the context of Republican period minority policies and strategies]. İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.
Hirschberg, H Z and Cohen, H J. 1971: "Turkey". In Roth, C and Wigoder, G, (Eds.). Encyclopaedia Judaica, Volume 15, 1456-1463. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House.
Herscher, A and Riedlmayer, A. 2000: "Monument and crime: The destruction of historic architecture in Kosovo". Grey Room, Volume 1, Number 3, 108-122.
Hür, A. 2008: "6-7 Eylül'de devletin 'muhteşem örgütlenmesi' [the state's 'magnificent operation' on 6th-7th September]". Taraf, 7. Eylül. Şu adrestebulunabilir: http://www.taraf.com.tr/makale/1821.htm
Kaloumenos, D. 1966: I stavrosis tou Christianismou: I istoriki alitheia ton gegonoton tis 6-7 Septemvriou 1955 eis tin Konstantinoupolin [the crucifixion of Christianity: The historical truth of the events of 6th-7th September 1955 in Constantinople]. Athina: Χωρίς όνομα [without name – i.e. publisher unknown]. [Καλούμενος, Δ. 1966: Η σταύρωσις του Χριστιανισμού: Η ιστορική αλήθεια των γεγονότων της 6-7 Σεπτεμβρίου 1955 εις την Κωνσταντινούπολιν. Αθήναι: Χωρίς όνομα (χ.ό.).]
Kaplan, S. 2001: "Názım Kalkavan, Ian Fleming'in roman kahramanı oldu [Názım Kalkavan became Ian Fleming's novel hero]". Hürriyet, 6. Eylül. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://hurarsiv.hurriyet.com.tr/goster/haber.aspx?viewid=27404
Korkut, T. 2009: "6-7 Eylül'de ne oldu [what happened on 6th-7th September]?" BIAnet, 7. Eylül. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://bianet.org/bianet/azinliklar/116904-6-7-eylulde-ne-oldu
Kuyucu, A T. 2005: "Ethno-religious 'unmixing' of 'Turkey': 6-7 September riots as a case in Turkish nationalism". Nations and Nationalism, Volume 11, Number 3, 361-380.
Ozkirimli, O kai Sofos, S A. 2008: To vasano tis istorias: O ethnikismos stin Ellada kais tin Tourkia [the torture of history: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey]. Athina: Ekdoseis Kastanioti. [Οζκιριμλί, Ο και Σοφός, Σ Α. 2008: Το βάσανο της ιστορίας: Ο εθνικισμός στην Ελλάδα και στην Τουρκία. Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Καστανιώτη.]
Radikal. 2008: "'Gladyo'dan Ergenekon''a yolculuk [the journey from Gladio to Ergenekon]". Radikal, 12. Ağustos. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.radikal.com.tr/Default.aspx?aType=HaberDetay&ArticleID=893176&Date=12.08.2008&CategoryID=98
Seifert, R. 1996: "The second front: The logic of sexual violence in wars". Women's Studies' International Forum, Volume 19, Numbers 1-2, 35-43.
Sontag, S. 2004: "Regarding the torture of others". The New York Times, 23rd May. Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2004/05/23/magazine/23PRISONS.html
Time. 1960: "Turkey: The phony incident". Time, 17th October. Available at: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,895011,00.html
UN (United Nations). 1948: Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. New York: United Nations.
Verkaaik, O. 2003: "Fun and violence. Ethnocide and the effervescence of collective aggression". Social Anthropology, Volume 11, Number 1, 3-22.
Vryonis, Jr., S. 2005: The mechanism of catastrophe: The Turkish pogrom of September 6-7, and the destruction of the Greek community of Istanbul. New York: Greekworks.
Vryonis, Jr., S. 2007: "September 6, 1955: Krystallnacht in Constantinople". Greek America, September/October. Available at: http://www.orthodoxytoday.org/articles8/Vryonis-Constantinople.php
Caveats
(Sadly, I don't have space in my thesis to discuss these events; but happily, now, I can blog it. [And, as aspectsofreality's grokked noted in the comment, the Wikipedia page on the Istanbul Pogrom goes into more detail.])
The intensive nature of the attacks led to study at the time and since, and the true history of the violence led to remarkable revelations, which have enlightened the murky events on the island.
Nonetheless, despite the extensive documentation and intensive research (for example by the photographer for the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, extreme Hellenist nationalist (2) Dimitrios Kaloumenos (1966)), estimates of destruction still vary widely (e.g., c.f. Güven, 2005: 34-37; Vryonis, 2005: 267-270).
Correspondingly, we must accept that we will never know the details of every act of violence against property in Cyprus; and that there will be some acts about which we will never know, and some claims that we will never be able either to verify or to invalidate. (It does not mean that they did not happen; it means that we do not know.)
Bombing and rioting
On 5th September 1955, the Turkish newspaper İstanbul Ekspres alleged that 'Greek terrorists [had] bombed Mustafa Kemal's house in Thessaloniki [Yunan teröristler Mustafa Kemal'in Selanik'teki evini bombalamıştı]' (İstanbul Ekspres, 5. Eylül 1955, cited in Kaplan, 2001; see also de Zayas, 2007: 147n5), by then, the Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Museum.
On 6th, the Cyprus is Turkish Association (KTC) (3) and the National Turkish Student Union (MTTB) (4) organised demonstrations (Kuyucu, 2005: 362), then around one hundred thousand Turks went on an orgy of 'rioting, destruction and looting' in Istanbul/Constantinople, and hundreds in Izmir/Smyrna and Ankara (Associated Press, 1955: 1).
There were smaller riots elsewhere from 7th, for example in Çanakkale/Dardanellia and Ískenderun/Alexandretta, where the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint Nicholas was dynamite bombed on 9th September (Associated Press, 1955: 15).
(For the most comprehensive study of the violence, see Turkish historian Dilek Güven's (2005) research into the 6th-7th September Events in the Context of Republican Period Minority Policies and Strategies [Cumhuriyet Dönemi Azınlık Politikaları ve Stratejileri Bağlamında 6-7 Eylül Olayları].)
Communist plots, British provocations
Turkish President Celal Bayar blamed a 'violent communist plot of provocation and aggression' (7th September 1955, cited in Kuyucu, 2005: 376). Turkish Communist involvement was 'impossible [olanaksız]' (Güven, 2005: 55); but British Government intrigue was not.
The previous year, the British Ambassador in Athens, Sir Charles Peake, had worried that Greek-Turkish relations were 'not favourable' and that it would have been possible to 'incite a turmoil' simply by 'inscribing a slogan... [on] the house where Ataturk was born' (cited in Güven, 2005: 214).
However, an unnamed British Foreign Ministry official noted that, '[i]f some revolts t[ook] place in Ankara that w[ould] suit our interest' (cited in Güven, 2005: 215).
It seems probable that the 'British Government provoked Turks' to attack (Güven, 2005: 215), in order to increase Greek-Turkish conflict, thereby to consolidate "peaceful" British occupation of Cyprus.
Victims' communities, communities of victims
The attacks were perceived as 'anti-Greek riots' (Associated Press, 1955: 1); even non-Greek victims, like the Jewish community, phrased them in exactly the same terms (e.g. Hirschberg and Cohen, 1971: Col. 1459); but the material evidence of destruction dispels this perception.
Alongside the 61 of 95 Greek Orthodox churches 'completely destroyed [tamamen tahrip edilmiş]', 1 Greek Catholic and 3 other churches were 'severely damaged [ağır zarara uğratılmıştır]', 3 of 33 Armenian churches were 'attacked [saldırıya maruz kalmıştır]', and 1 of 39 synagogues was 'attacked [saldırıya uğramıştır]' (Güven, 2005: 35).
Also, 1,954 (35.28%) of the 5,538 "officially" damaged homes and shops were non-Greek (Kuyucu, 2005: 378n5). Moreover, the United States Consulate estimated that the rioters may have 'attacked [saldırıya uğrayan]' 7,000 homes and shops (Hür, 2008b; see also Güven, 2005: 35).
Of those (possibly) 7,000 buildings, only 80% of the homes were Rum, while 9% were Armenian, 5% were Muslim and 3% Jewish; and only 59% of the shops were Greek, while 17% were Armenian, 12% Jewish and 10% Muslim (Hür, 2008b; see also Güven, 2005: 35).
The Muslim properties were also minority properties, 'places belonging to [syncretic/converted Jewish-Muslim] Dönme and [ethnically Turkic] Muslim Belarusians [dönmelere ve Müslüman olmuş Beyaz Ruslara ait mekanlar[ı]]' (Korkut, 2009).
Community places, nationalist targets
As well as to individuals' property, the American Consul General Arthur Richards recorded 'serious damage' to Rum 'community meeting quarters', at least 36 of the 48 Rum schools, and libraries (cited in d'Amato, 1995: S11792); Armenian cemeteries, too, 'got their share of destruction [saldırılardan nasibini almıştır]' (Hür, 2008b).
Meanwhile, 'several public soup kitchens' were 'demolished' (American Consul General Arthur Richards, 27th September 1955, cited in d'Amato, 1995: S11792).
In addition, both Rum newspaper presses, for Apogevmatini (5) and Tachydromos (6), were 'completely wrecked', while Embros (7) and 'Okroids [sic – Chronos]' (8), which did not have their own presses, had their offices respectively 'destroyed' and 'heavily wrecked' (American Consul General Arthur Richards, 27th September 1955, cited in d'Amato, 1995: S11792).
Monuments were 'smashed [tsakisthi [τσακισθή]]', and statues 'beheaded [apokefalisthi [άποκεφαλισθή]]' (Makedonia, 14i Septemvriou 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 25).
Furthermore, the Swedish Embassy, French, Italian, Austrian and German workplaces, and English cemeteries 'got their share of destruction [saldırılardan nasibini almıştır]' (Hür, 2008b; see also Güven, 2005: 37).
Moreover, in Izmir, the rioters not only 'set on fire [ateşe vermişler]' the Greek Consulate and 'looted [yağmalamış]' six Greek NATO officers' homes, but also attacked the British Cultural Institute, and even two British ships in port (Hür, 2008b; see also Güven, 2005: 26; 27).
Stages of violence
The Greek Consul General Vyron Theodoropoulos identified three steps of violence: first, the 'break[ing] down' of doors and windows; then 'pillage'; and finally, 'complete destruction' (cited in Vryonis, Jr., 2007).
Greek newspaper Makedonia recognised four phases: first 'smash[ing] [synetrive [συνέτριβε]]', second 'open[ing] or forc[ing] them open [tas inoige i tas dierrignye [τάς ήνοιγε ή τάς διερρήγνυε]]', then third 'looting [eleilatei [έλεηλάτει]]'; and sometimes, fourth, destruction (14th September 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 24).
Perpetrators
Another Greek newspaper, Ethnos, identified the destroyers as '[ç]etes [gangs] [Tsetes [Τσέτας]]' (9i Septemvriou 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 26).
And Makedonia observed that civilian-dressed military school naval cadets destroyed the Theological School of Halki (14i Septemvriou 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 24).
Within a week of the pogrom, then Turkish Foreign Secretary Mehmet Fuat Köprülü told the Turkish National Assembly that,
the attack against the house of Atatürk in Thessaloniki had been the work of those who had organised the riots, not of the Greeks.Crimes
[[I] apopeira enantion tis en Thessaloniki oikias tou Atatourk einai ergon ton idion, oi opoioi organosan tas tarachas, ouchi de Ellines.
[Ή] άπόπειρα έναντίον τής έν Θεσσαλονίκη οίκίας τού Άτατούρκ είναι έργον τών ίδίων, οί όποίοι ώργάνωσαν τάς ταραχάς, ούχι δέ Έλληνες (Köprülü, 12i Septemvriou 1955, anaferetai sto Kaloumeno, 1966: 28).]
Greek-American historian Prof. Speros Vryonis Jr. (2007) characterised the 'most destructive pogrom' since the Nazi anti-Jewish pogrom of 9th-10th November 1938 as 'Krystallnacht in Constantinople'.
Former UN human rights lawyer Prof. Alfred de Zayas (2007: 137) characterised the pogrom as a 'crime against humanity', 'ethnic cleansing', and as 'demonstrably' an act of 'genocide' under the United Nations' (1948b: Art. 2) Convention on the Prevention and the Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
De Zayas (2007: 137) specifically stated that the 'vast destruction of Greek property' constituted 'evidence of the Turkish authorities' intent to terrorize' the Rum into 'abandoning the territory, thus eliminating' the community.
About 6,000 people were arrested, but only 228 convicted, those in military trials, and 'the true perpetrators were not among them [Bunların arasında gerçek failler yoktu]' (Hür, 2008b).
Deep State terrorism
In fact, the plotters had been President Bayar himself, alongside Democratic Party (9) Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and Foreign Minister Fatin Rüştü Zorlu (Time, 1960).
Furthermore, decades later, the head of the Special Warfare Department, General Sabri Yirmibeşoğlu, finally confessed that,
6th-7th September was also a Special Warfare [Department] job. It was a magnificent operation. And it achieved its aim.The bombing had been of the neighbouring Turkish Consulate, not the Atatürk Museum; and Turkish deep state agents had controlled every stage of the operation.
[6-7 Eylül de bir Özel Harp işidir. Muhteşem bir örgütlenmeydi. Amacına da ulaştı (Radikal, 2008a).]
The bombers had been National Security Service (MAH/MEH) (10) officer Oktay Engin and Turkish Consulate official Hasan Uçar (Güven, 2005: 71).
The first (and false) report of the bombing had been in İstanbul Ekspres, whose editor was Democratic Party deputy and MAH agent Mithat Perin, who later wrote a letter to MAH 'listing the assignments he had undertaken for the organisation [örgüt için üstlendiği görevlen sıralıyor]' (Güven, 2005: 72).
The hatred and retribution-inciting Cyprus is Turkish Association (KTC) was dominated by Prime Minister Menderes' Democratic Party (Güven, 2005: 60-61).
And the KTC operated 'with the moral and financial support of the government of the Democratic Party [me tin ithiki kai oikonomiki ypostiriksi tis kyvernisis tou Dimokratikou Kommatos [με την ηθική και οικονομική υποστήριξη της κυβέρνησης του Δημοκρατικού Κόμματος]]' (Ozkirimli kai Sofos, 2008: 260).
Then the Democratic Party 'recruited', armed and transported the "rioters", the 'Turkish militia and police coordinated' them (de Zayas, 2007: 138), and they attacked sites planned on lists and 'marked with paint' (ibid.: 147n10).
Notably, '[t]he attackers got an order not to physically harm [Saldırganlar bedensel zarar vermemeleri için talimat aldık[lar]]' (Güven, 2005: 23).
It is believed that the attackers raped far more than 60 women (İstanbul Başkonsolosluğu Raporu [United States National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) 782.00/9-1255], 1st December 1955, cited in Güven, 2005: 39), but the unknown others 'hid the fact and avoided being treated in hospital [bu durumu gizlemiş ve hastanede tedavi olmaktan kaçınmış]' (Güven, 2005: 39).
And it is also believed that the attackers murdered 15 people (Helsinki Watch, 1992: 50, cited in Güven, 2005: 40).
Each of these crimes was a tragedy, but the total is remarkably low considering more than 100,000 armed nationalist extremists went on the rampage unhindered, and sometimes helped, by the police. The (widely-observed) ban on violence against persons made it explicit that the targets of the violence were not people but places.
Rioters' reasons
Some rioters were 'frenzied mobbers [eksalla stifi [έξαλλα στίφη]]' with 'demented expression[s] [ekfrasin allofrosynis [έκφρασιν άλλοφροσύνις]]' (Ethnos, 9i Septemvriou 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 26; A-Z (Basel), 15. September 1955, cited in Kaloumenos, 1966: 30).
However, the riot was not a pure 'frenzy [cinnet]' (Ergener, 2005: 5). Some rioters were 'delight[ed] and content[ed] [çosku ve memnuniyet]', and posed for journalists' photographs (Ergener, 2005: 5).
Arts management specialist Balca Ergener (2005: 6) compared those photographs to ones of racist lynchings in the United States and of torture in occupied Iraq, which philosopher Susan Sontag (2004) categorised as 'souvenirs of a collective action [kolektif bir eylemin hatıralarıdır]' (Sontag, 2004, cited in Ergener, 2005: 6).).
It is possible to compare many of these rioters' acts to Pakistani Muhajir nationalist extremists' 'collective recuperation of masculinity' through violence (Verkaaik, 2003: 17), through which they took satisfaction in the 'humiliation and abasement of [their] victim[s] and the sense of power and dominance' (Seifert, 1996: 36; see also Bracewell, 2000: 565).
Yet, the rioters' violence cannot be conceived of as 'collective aggressive transgression' (Verkaaik, 2003: 17), because it was not merely the Cyprus is Turkish Association, nor the tabloid press, nor even "merely" the Democratic Party, who accepted and encouraged the pogrom, but – ostensibly – the state itself.
The Turkish deep state had usurped the Turkish state, and had convinced the mass of rioters that they were defending themselves, their community and their state, so they perceived no transgression even as they smashed, looted and burned their neighbours' homes.
In Kosovo, a community's architecture 'legitimated' its territorial claim, and 'damage to that architecture became damage to that claim' (Herscher and Riedlmayer, 2000: 111); but unlike in Kosovo (and Cyprus), in Turkey the victimised communities had no political control and had made no demands for it.
Urbicide
Even if the political problem is defined within a Turkist nationalist framework, so that the Greek Cypriot-Turkish Cypriot power struggle is subsumed within the Greek-Turkish power struggle, it is insufficient to explain the violence, because the Turkist nationalists did not only attack Greeks (or supposedly allied Armenians and Jews); they also attacked ethnically Turkish Muslims.
Thus, the Muslim as well as Christian and Jewish-victimising, Turkic as well as non-Turkic-victimising, building-targeting violence was not (primarily) genocidal, but urbicidal, aimed at the 'destruction of the conditions of possibility of heterogeneity' (Coward, 2009: 43).
The Turkish deep state did not destroy non-Turkish buildings in order to destroy minority communities, but in order to disintegrate the multicultural community and to displace the minority communities.
The Turkish deep state's primary aim of urbicide was also hinted at in its singular false flag attack on the Turkish Consulate in Thessaloniki; but it will be more clearly demonstrated by the Turkish/Turkish Cypriot deep state's and Greek/Greek Cypriot deep state's campaigns of false flag operations on the island.
Both deep states seriously damaged or destroyed their own cultural heritage sites precisely because their foremost wish was (obviously) not to destroy their own community, but to establish homogeneous communities and territories. The deep states could even cooperate with each other to force their ethnic kin in mixed communities to unmix.
The urbicidal logic will be further affirmed by the paramilitaries' territorially-limited fields of operation: after the partition of Cyprus in 1974, neither did the Turkish/Turkish Cypriot deep state attack "Greek" sites in southern Cyprus, nor did the Greek/Greek Cypriot deep state attack "Turkish" sites in northern Cyprus.
The deep states did not struggle to eliminate the other communities as such, but rather to eliminate the shared life of all and any communities within "their" (claimed) territories.
Footnotes
- The September Events are also known as: ta Septemvriana (τα Σεπτεμβριανά) in Greek; and Eylül Olayları in Turkish.
- For example, Kaloumenos (1966: 241) stated that 'modern Turks... proved that they maintain wholly all of the barbarism inherited from their fathers [oi neoteroi Tourkoi... apedeiksan oti diatiroun eis to akeraion, o,ti is Varvarotita parelavon apo tous pateres ton (οί νεώτεροί Τούρκοι... άπέδειξαν ότι διατηρούν είς τό ακέραιον, ό,τι είς Βαρβαρότητα παρέλαβον άπό τούς πατέρες των)]', while his Publishing Committee (Ekdoseos Epitropi, 1966: 9) stated that Greek society was 'the most brilliant civilisation [o lambroteros politismos (ό λαμπρότερος πολιτισμός)]', and that Turkish 'barbarity.... saw civilisation as something incompatible with its soul [Varvarotita.... evlepe ton politismo san kati asymvivasto me tin psychosynthesi tou (Βαρβαρότητα.... έβλεπε τόν πολιτισμό σάν κάτι άσυμβίβαστο μέ τήν ψυχοσύνθεσί του)]'.
- Kıbrıs Türktür Cemiyeti
- Milli Türk Talebe Birliği
- Απογευματινή
- Ταχυδρόμος
- Εμπρός
- Xρόνος
- Demokrat Partisi
- Millî Amniyet Hizmeti (MAH) / Millî Emniyet Hizmeti (MEH)
Bibliography
Associated Press (AP). 1955: "Shake-up in Turkey follows city rioting". The New York Times, 11th September, 1; 15.
Bracewell, W. 2000: "Rape in Kosovo: Masculinity and Serbian nationalism". Nations and nationalism, Volume 6, Number 4, 563-590.
D'Amato, A M. 1995: Senate Resolution 160 – Marking the Anniversary of the Anti-Greek Pogrom in Turkey, on September 6, 1955 [SRES 160 IS, 7th August 1995]. Washington, D.C.: United States Senate.
De Zayas, A. 2007: "The Istanbul pogrom of 6-7 September 1955 in the light of international law". Genocide Studies and Prevention, Volume 2, Number 2, 137-154.
Ekdoseos Epitropi (Publishing Committee). 1966: "Eisagogi [Introduction]". In Kaloumenos, D, (Sy.). I stavrosis tou Christianismou: I istoriki alitheia ton gegonoton tis 6-7 Septemvriou 1955 eis tin Konstantinoupolin [the crucifixion of Christianity: The historical truth of the events of 6th-7th September 1955 in Constantinople], 9-11. Athina: choris onoma [without name – i.e. publisher unknown]. [Εκδόσεως Επιτροπή. 1966: «Είσαγογή». Καλούμενος, Δ, (Συ.). 1966: Η σταύρωσις του Χριστιανισμού: Η ιστορική αλήθεια των γεγονότων της 6-7 Σεπτεμβρίου 1955 εις την Κωνσταντινούπολιν, 9-11. Αθήναι: χωρίς όνομα.]
Ergener, B. 2005: "'Ellinci Yılında 6-7 Eylül Olayları' sergisi ve sergiye yapılan saldırı üzerine [on the exhibition of 'Incidents of September 6th-7th on their Fiftieth Anniversary' and the attack on the exhibition]". Red Thread, Number 1. Available at: http://www.red-thread.org/dosyalar/site_resim/dergi/pdf/6471136.pdf
Güven, D. 2005: Cumhuriyet dönemi azınlık politikaları ve stratejileri bağlamında 6-7 Eylül olayları [the 6th-7th September events in the context of Republican period minority policies and strategies]. İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.
Hirschberg, H Z and Cohen, H J. 1971: "Turkey". In Roth, C and Wigoder, G, (Eds.). Encyclopaedia Judaica, Volume 15, 1456-1463. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House.
Herscher, A and Riedlmayer, A. 2000: "Monument and crime: The destruction of historic architecture in Kosovo". Grey Room, Volume 1, Number 3, 108-122.
Hür, A. 2008: "6-7 Eylül'de devletin 'muhteşem örgütlenmesi' [the state's 'magnificent operation' on 6th-7th September]". Taraf, 7. Eylül. Şu adrestebulunabilir: http://www.taraf.com.tr/makale/1821.htm
Kaloumenos, D. 1966: I stavrosis tou Christianismou: I istoriki alitheia ton gegonoton tis 6-7 Septemvriou 1955 eis tin Konstantinoupolin [the crucifixion of Christianity: The historical truth of the events of 6th-7th September 1955 in Constantinople]. Athina: Χωρίς όνομα [without name – i.e. publisher unknown]. [Καλούμενος, Δ. 1966: Η σταύρωσις του Χριστιανισμού: Η ιστορική αλήθεια των γεγονότων της 6-7 Σεπτεμβρίου 1955 εις την Κωνσταντινούπολιν. Αθήναι: Χωρίς όνομα (χ.ό.).]
Kaplan, S. 2001: "Názım Kalkavan, Ian Fleming'in roman kahramanı oldu [Názım Kalkavan became Ian Fleming's novel hero]". Hürriyet, 6. Eylül. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://hurarsiv.hurriyet.com.tr/goster/haber.aspx?viewid=27404
Korkut, T. 2009: "6-7 Eylül'de ne oldu [what happened on 6th-7th September]?" BIAnet, 7. Eylül. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://bianet.org/bianet/azinliklar/116904-6-7-eylulde-ne-oldu
Kuyucu, A T. 2005: "Ethno-religious 'unmixing' of 'Turkey': 6-7 September riots as a case in Turkish nationalism". Nations and Nationalism, Volume 11, Number 3, 361-380.
Ozkirimli, O kai Sofos, S A. 2008: To vasano tis istorias: O ethnikismos stin Ellada kais tin Tourkia [the torture of history: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey]. Athina: Ekdoseis Kastanioti. [Οζκιριμλί, Ο και Σοφός, Σ Α. 2008: Το βάσανο της ιστορίας: Ο εθνικισμός στην Ελλάδα και στην Τουρκία. Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Καστανιώτη.]
Radikal. 2008: "'Gladyo'dan Ergenekon''a yolculuk [the journey from Gladio to Ergenekon]". Radikal, 12. Ağustos. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.radikal.com.tr/Default.aspx?aType=HaberDetay&ArticleID=893176&Date=12.08.2008&CategoryID=98
Seifert, R. 1996: "The second front: The logic of sexual violence in wars". Women's Studies' International Forum, Volume 19, Numbers 1-2, 35-43.
Sontag, S. 2004: "Regarding the torture of others". The New York Times, 23rd May. Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2004/05/23/magazine/23PRISONS.html
Time. 1960: "Turkey: The phony incident". Time, 17th October. Available at: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,895011,00.html
UN (United Nations). 1948: Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. New York: United Nations.
Verkaaik, O. 2003: "Fun and violence. Ethnocide and the effervescence of collective aggression". Social Anthropology, Volume 11, Number 1, 3-22.
Vryonis, Jr., S. 2005: The mechanism of catastrophe: The Turkish pogrom of September 6-7, and the destruction of the Greek community of Istanbul. New York: Greekworks.
Vryonis, Jr., S. 2007: "September 6, 1955: Krystallnacht in Constantinople". Greek America, September/October. Available at: http://www.orthodoxytoday.org/articles8/Vryonis-Constantinople.php
Saturday, 1 May 2010
Ergenekon, deep state websites: Turkish Defence Ministry IPs
Following last year's post on Ergenekon Websites: Information Warfare on Cyprus, there is new evidence that Turkish deep state propaganda websites used [Turkish] Defense Ministry IPs.
Today's Zaman journalist Cihan Yenilmez has reported that the Ergenekon gang used Turkish Defence Ministry computers during its 'alleged military coup plan titled the Action Plan to Fight Reactionaryism'.
Unknown people within the Turkish General Staff Information Support Department set up internet sites 'to gain public support regarding a possible military coup and mislead public opinion in line with the alleged coup plotters' aims'.
The Ergenekon prosecution case (paraphrased by Yenilmez) states that the İrtica websites 'overlap[ped] with the plans and activities mentioned in the action plan and intensively focus[ed] on topics thatare [were] frequently mentioned in the action plan'.
And the list of 'coup-plotting officers'' websites established 'to mislead public opinion' include:
Today's Zaman journalist Cihan Yenilmez has reported that the Ergenekon gang used Turkish Defence Ministry computers during its 'alleged military coup plan titled the Action Plan to Fight Reactionaryism'.
Unknown people within the Turkish General Staff Information Support Department set up internet sites 'to gain public support regarding a possible military coup and mislead public opinion in line with the alleged coup plotters' aims'.
The Ergenekon prosecution case (paraphrased by Yenilmez) states that the İrtica websites 'overlap[ped] with the plans and activities mentioned in the action plan and intensively focus[ed] on topics that
And the list of 'coup-plotting officers'' websites established 'to mislead public opinion' include:
http://www.armenianready.com/Yenilmez, C. 2010: "Propaganda websites used Defense Ministry IPs". Today's Zaman, 1st May. Available at: http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/news-208960-propaganda-websites-used-defense-ministry-ips.html
http://www.genclik.info/
http://www.greekmurderers.net/
http://www.hepimizturkuz.net/
http://www.hepimizturkuz.org/
http://www.irtica.net/
http://www.irtica.org/
http://www.pkkgercegi.com/
http://www.terorizm.info/
http://www.terorveguvenlik.info/
http://www.turkatak.gen.tr/
http://www.turkeyturks.com/
http://www.turkler.info/
http://www.turkses.com/
Thursday, 29 April 2010
academic freedom: nationalist propaganda about academic work
Here, I just want to use the idea of libel to establish the rules of academic debate and academic freedom generally (and free speech universally); to touch upon the problems of using law to limit scholarly discussion; and to consider academic ways of challenging nationalist propaganda about academic work.
Libel
I have signed the Libel Reform Campaign petition to Keep Libel Laws Out of Science. I believe that,
Thus, the basic criteria for academic debate are:
Academia
As the European Society of International Law said, 'critique is the essence of scholarship', 'necessary' to academic work (cited by Howard, 2010). Academic argument ought to be the selfless statement of informed, genuine (not necessarily true) belief.
Lawyer François H. Briard (cited by Howard, 2010) observed that '[u]sually there is no libel between academics', but '[i]f real harm is done', the only defences are that it was done in 'good faith, for example relying on public facts or wrong information', or that the harmful opinion 'relie[d] on true facts'.
Still, the label and the law of libel do get misused. Senior law lecturer Kevin Jon Heller (2010) judged one libel complaint against an academic book review 'thuggery', because 'none of the factual claims... appear[ed] to be false', and the accuser gave 'no evidence' that the accused 'knowing[ly]' made any false claims.
Identifying one of the many consequences of such intellectual thuggery, American Journal of International Law joint chief editor Lori Fisler Damrosch worried about material 'vanish[ing] altogether if an angry author succeed[ed] in having it removed' (cited by Howard, 2010).
Yet, what should be done about truly lazy or deliberate falsehoods (negligent or malicious misrepresentations)? Is it acceptable for truly libellous material to 'vanish altogether', or should it remain in some corrected form for the record?
Academic lies
Prof. Dr. Ata Atun's newspaper article was outside of the academic arena, outside of academic debate. He did not protest in an academic publication; he did not notify me of his article to enable me to reply; and his article did not inform the public about my research, or even encourage them to review it, but rather incite them to protest against it.
There are three basic ways of challenging that unscholarly behaviour:
Six days later, I observed that,
Image 1: (c) Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi (18th-27th April 2010).
In the letter to the newspaper, I concluded that,
The one other newspaper, whose editor I trust, judged that if it removed the article, it could be accused of censorship. So, that newspaper has left the article unchanged; however, it has offered me the right of reply.
As I said, I do not want to give Atun's misrepresentations false academic credibility, or to reduce my factual corrections to personal opinions; but I also do not want to force innocent third parties (e.g. editors) to violate their own personal or professional ethics, or to make them targets of nationalist propagandists.
I guess I'll just make the best of a bad job.
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Avrupa Gazetesi, 15. Nisan. [Başlangıçta şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.avrupagazete.com/avrupa.asp?Id=12130]
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi, 18.-24. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.dunyagundemi.com/279/Ingiliz-Yalanlari.html
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Hür Yorum Gazetesi, 19. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.huryorum.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&catid=43:ata-atun&Itemid=186
Daily Telegraph. 2010: "Simon Singh's libel battle highlights the need for reform". The Daily Telegraph, 1st April. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/7545996/Simon-Singhs-libel-battle-highlights-the-need-for-reform.html
Heller, K J. 2010: "Criminal libel for publishing a critical book review? Seriously?". Opinio Juris [weblog], 12th February. Available at: http://opiniojuris.org/2010/02/12/criminal-libel-for-publishing-a-critical-book-review-seriously/
Howard, J. 2010: "Libel case, prompted by an academic book review, has scholars worried". The Chronicle of Higher Education, 25th April. Available at: http://chronicle.com/article/Libel-Case-Prompted-by-an/65224/?key=HG52IgdtNXZLNydifnFEeCRQaHJwcUwsO3lPNioabFpQ
Singh, S and Coghlan, A. 2010: "Simon Singh: The libel fight goes on". New Scientist, 1st April. Available at: http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn18731-simon-singh-the-libel-fight-goes-on.html
Libel
I have signed the Libel Reform Campaign petition to Keep Libel Laws Out of Science. I believe that,
Freedom to criticise and question, in strong terms and without malice, is the cornerstone of argument and debate....As the Daily Telegraph (2010) summarised the British Appeal Court's recent ruling on the British Chiropractic Association's libel case against Dr. Simon Singh: 'on issues of scientific dispute you cannot be sued for', or in other words, you cannot libel someone by, 'expressing an honest opinion'.
Libel laws intended to protect individual reputation are being exploited to suppress fair comment and criticism.... material they [the authors] believe is true, fair and important to the public.(1)
Thus, the basic criteria for academic debate are:
- fair comment (which is believed to be balanced); which expresses,
- (a) reasonable fact (which is believed to be proved); or,
(b) honest opinion (which cannot be proved or disproved); - in the public interest (which is believed to be important).
Academia
As the European Society of International Law said, 'critique is the essence of scholarship', 'necessary' to academic work (cited by Howard, 2010). Academic argument ought to be the selfless statement of informed, genuine (not necessarily true) belief.
Lawyer François H. Briard (cited by Howard, 2010) observed that '[u]sually there is no libel between academics', but '[i]f real harm is done', the only defences are that it was done in 'good faith, for example relying on public facts or wrong information', or that the harmful opinion 'relie[d] on true facts'.
Still, the label and the law of libel do get misused. Senior law lecturer Kevin Jon Heller (2010) judged one libel complaint against an academic book review 'thuggery', because 'none of the factual claims... appear[ed] to be false', and the accuser gave 'no evidence' that the accused 'knowing[ly]' made any false claims.
Identifying one of the many consequences of such intellectual thuggery, American Journal of International Law joint chief editor Lori Fisler Damrosch worried about material 'vanish[ing] altogether if an angry author succeed[ed] in having it removed' (cited by Howard, 2010).
Yet, what should be done about truly lazy or deliberate falsehoods (negligent or malicious misrepresentations)? Is it acceptable for truly libellous material to 'vanish altogether', or should it remain in some corrected form for the record?
Academic lies
Prof. Dr. Ata Atun's newspaper article was outside of the academic arena, outside of academic debate. He did not protest in an academic publication; he did not notify me of his article to enable me to reply; and his article did not inform the public about my research, or even encourage them to review it, but rather incite them to protest against it.
There are three basic ways of challenging that unscholarly behaviour:
- winning a retraction, correction and/or apology from the defamer (but without authority or power, that is not always easy, or even possible);
- winning the article's removal by the publisher (but that can be similarly difficult or impossible; moreover, even when it is achieved, it does not correct the falsehoods or recognise their falsity); or,
- offering a reply (but that may not be published; if it is published, it gives the defamer false academic legitimacy; and also if it is published, it reduces matters of the academic's facts and the defamer's falsehoods to one's opinion and the other's perception, so the academic can never definitively prove their innocence).
He did not hear my paper; he reported hearsay (from someone who very deliberately misrepresented me). Atun did not ask me for comment or clarification before publication, and he ha[d] not replied since [at the time of writing].Then, I asked for Mr. Atun: 'to publish a withdrawal' of the false accusations; 'to call a halt' to his campaign against me; and 'to apologise' for his unprofessional, defamatory article about me, and for his unscholarly, international campaign against me.
[As proof, I provided them with my original paper, and with my corrections, both of Atun's source and of his article.]
Six days later, I observed that,
Mr. Atun has still not published a retraction of his libellous article,Indeed, in Turkish national weekly newspaper, Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi, it was front page news (see image 1).or[and had not] even replied to me privately [at the time of writing]. In fact, he has continued to publish it elsewhere....
Image 1: (c) Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi (18th-27th April 2010).
In the letter to the newspaper, I concluded that,
Because of its false and harmful content, I must ask you to remove İngiliz Akademisyenin Yalanları from your website.Avrupa Gazetesi did so; now, the page 'does not exist [yok]'. Apart from one other newspaper, however, no other newspapers or internet sites have even replied.
The one other newspaper, whose editor I trust, judged that if it removed the article, it could be accused of censorship. So, that newspaper has left the article unchanged; however, it has offered me the right of reply.
As I said, I do not want to give Atun's misrepresentations false academic credibility, or to reduce my factual corrections to personal opinions; but I also do not want to force innocent third parties (e.g. editors) to violate their own personal or professional ethics, or to make them targets of nationalist propagandists.
I guess I'll just make the best of a bad job.
- See also the Electronic Frontier Foundation's Bloggers' Legal Guide; and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe's work Towards Decriminalisation of Defamation [Resolution 1577, 4th October 2007].
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Avrupa Gazetesi, 15. Nisan. [Başlangıçta şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.avrupagazete.com/avrupa.asp?Id=12130]
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi, 18.-24. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.dunyagundemi.com/279/Ingiliz-Yalanlari.html
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Hür Yorum Gazetesi, 19. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.huryorum.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&catid=43:ata-atun&Itemid=186
Daily Telegraph. 2010: "Simon Singh's libel battle highlights the need for reform". The Daily Telegraph, 1st April. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/7545996/Simon-Singhs-libel-battle-highlights-the-need-for-reform.html
Heller, K J. 2010: "Criminal libel for publishing a critical book review? Seriously?". Opinio Juris [weblog], 12th February. Available at: http://opiniojuris.org/2010/02/12/criminal-libel-for-publishing-a-critical-book-review-seriously/
Howard, J. 2010: "Libel case, prompted by an academic book review, has scholars worried". The Chronicle of Higher Education, 25th April. Available at: http://chronicle.com/article/Libel-Case-Prompted-by-an/65224/?key=HG52IgdtNXZLNydifnFEeCRQaHJwcUwsO3lPNioabFpQ
Singh, S and Coghlan, A. 2010: "Simon Singh: The libel fight goes on". New Scientist, 1st April. Available at: http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn18731-simon-singh-the-libel-fight-goes-on.html
Monday, 26 April 2010
Türk derin devletinden Kıbrıs'ın tarihi eserleri kurtarması
Hardy, S A. 2010: "Türk derin devletinden Kıbrıs'ın tarihi eserleri kurtarması: Taklitlerin kurtarılması ve Stephanos Stephanou'nun ölümü". Konuşma Dünya Arkeolojik Kongresi'nin Çatışmada Arkeolojik konusunda Uluslararası Konferansı'nda verildi, Viyana, Avusturya, 6.-10. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
On Dokuzuncu Yüzyıl'dan Kıbrıslı tarihi eserlerinin yağmalaması problem olmaktadır, ama toplumlararası çatışmaları süresince yarı askerinin kontrol edildiği yasadışı antikalar ticareti kuruldu ve şiddetlice büyüttü. Yunan cunta desteklendiği darbe ve 1974 yılı Türk askeri işgalından sonra, en kötü aşırılıklar kuzey Kıbrıs’ta devam ettiler.
Yağmalanan antikaların "kurtarması" uzun bır zaman için bir "çözüm" olurdu. Bu çözüm sadece Kıbrıslı Yunan arkeologlar Kıbrıslı Yunan Kıbrıslı özel antika koleksiyoncular ile arasında bir anlaşmayı içermedi, aynı zamanda görünen yasadışı Kıbrıslı Yunan örtülü antika kaçakçılığı polisi Kıbrıslı Türk ve Türk milliyetçi terörist gruplardan satın almasını içerdi.
Kıbrıslı Yunan ve Kıbrıslı Türk yönetimlerin işbirliğini reddetmesinden sadece Kıbrıslı kültürel miras için feci sonuçları başlatmadı. Bu konuşmada, Kıbrıslı Türk antika kaçakçılığı polisin Kıbrıslı Yunan örtülü antika kaçakçılığı polisi memuru Stephanos Stephanou'nu tutukladığı, ve onun Kıbrıslı Türk tutukluluğunda ölümünü incelerim.
On Dokuzuncu Yüzyıl'dan Kıbrıslı tarihi eserlerinin yağmalaması problem olmaktadır, ama toplumlararası çatışmaları süresince yarı askerinin kontrol edildiği yasadışı antikalar ticareti kuruldu ve şiddetlice büyüttü. Yunan cunta desteklendiği darbe ve 1974 yılı Türk askeri işgalından sonra, en kötü aşırılıklar kuzey Kıbrıs’ta devam ettiler.
Yağmalanan antikaların "kurtarması" uzun bır zaman için bir "çözüm" olurdu. Bu çözüm sadece Kıbrıslı Yunan arkeologlar Kıbrıslı Yunan Kıbrıslı özel antika koleksiyoncular ile arasında bir anlaşmayı içermedi, aynı zamanda görünen yasadışı Kıbrıslı Yunan örtülü antika kaçakçılığı polisi Kıbrıslı Türk ve Türk milliyetçi terörist gruplardan satın almasını içerdi.
Kıbrıslı Yunan ve Kıbrıslı Türk yönetimlerin işbirliğini reddetmesinden sadece Kıbrıslı kültürel miras için feci sonuçları başlatmadı. Bu konuşmada, Kıbrıslı Türk antika kaçakçılığı polisin Kıbrıslı Yunan örtülü antika kaçakçılığı polisi memuru Stephanos Stephanou'nu tutukladığı, ve onun Kıbrıslı Türk tutukluluğunda ölümünü incelerim.
κυπριακή σωτηρία αρχαιοτήτων από το τουρκικό βαθύ κράτος
Χάρντυ, Σ Α. 2010: «Κυπριακή σωτηρία αρχαιοτήτων από το τουρκικό βαθύ κράτος: Η σωτηρία των πλαστογραφίων και ο θάνατος του Στέφανου Στεφάνου». Δόθηκε στο Διεθνές Συνέδριο του Παγκόσμιου Αρχαιολογικού Κογκρέσου με θέμα την Αρχαιολογία στη Σύγκρουση, στη Βιέννη, στην Αυστρία, από τις 6 μέχρι τις 10 Απριλίου 2010. Βρίσκεται στο: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Από τον δέκατο ένατο αιώνα, είναι ένα πρόβλημα η λεηλασία της κυπριακής πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς, αλλά κατά τη διάρκεια της διακοινοτικής σύγκρουσης ένα παράνομο εμπόριο αρχαιοτήτων, ελέγχθηκε από παραστρατιωτικούς, δημιουργήθηκε και αυξήθηκε τρομερά. Μετά από το πραξικόπημα, το όποιο υποστηρίχτηκε από την Ελληνική χούντα, και την τουρκική εισβολή του 1974, τα χειρότερα άκρα συνέχιζαν στην βόρεια Κύπρο.
Από πολύ καιρό, η «σωτηρία» των λεηλατημένων αρχαιοτήτων είναι μια «λύση». Αυτή η λύση έχει συμπεριλάβει οχι μόνο μια μυστική συμφωνία ανάμεσα στους Ελληνοκύπριους αρχαιολόγους και τους Ελληνοκύπριους ιδιωτικούς συλλεκτές αρχαιοτήτων, αλλά κι επίσης την φαινομενικώς παράνομη αγορά της ελληνοκυπριακής μυστικής αστυνομίας αρχαιοτήτων από τουρκοκυπριακές και τουρκικούς εθνικιστές τρομοκρατικές ομάδες.
Η έλλειψη της συνεργασίας ανάμεσα στις ελληνοκυπριακές και τις τουρκοκυπριακές διαχειρίσεις δεν προκάλεσε τραγικές συνεπείες μόνο για την κυπριακή πολιτιστική κληρονομιά. Σε αυτήν την ομιλία, εξερευνώ στην σύλληψη του Ελληνοκύπριο αστυνομικό αρχαιοτήτων Στέφανου Στεφάνου από την τουρκοκυπριακή αστυνομία αρχαιοτήτων, και τον θάνατο του στην τουρκοκυπριακή προφυλάκιση.
Από τον δέκατο ένατο αιώνα, είναι ένα πρόβλημα η λεηλασία της κυπριακής πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς, αλλά κατά τη διάρκεια της διακοινοτικής σύγκρουσης ένα παράνομο εμπόριο αρχαιοτήτων, ελέγχθηκε από παραστρατιωτικούς, δημιουργήθηκε και αυξήθηκε τρομερά. Μετά από το πραξικόπημα, το όποιο υποστηρίχτηκε από την Ελληνική χούντα, και την τουρκική εισβολή του 1974, τα χειρότερα άκρα συνέχιζαν στην βόρεια Κύπρο.
Από πολύ καιρό, η «σωτηρία» των λεηλατημένων αρχαιοτήτων είναι μια «λύση». Αυτή η λύση έχει συμπεριλάβει οχι μόνο μια μυστική συμφωνία ανάμεσα στους Ελληνοκύπριους αρχαιολόγους και τους Ελληνοκύπριους ιδιωτικούς συλλεκτές αρχαιοτήτων, αλλά κι επίσης την φαινομενικώς παράνομη αγορά της ελληνοκυπριακής μυστικής αστυνομίας αρχαιοτήτων από τουρκοκυπριακές και τουρκικούς εθνικιστές τρομοκρατικές ομάδες.
Η έλλειψη της συνεργασίας ανάμεσα στις ελληνοκυπριακές και τις τουρκοκυπριακές διαχειρίσεις δεν προκάλεσε τραγικές συνεπείες μόνο για την κυπριακή πολιτιστική κληρονομιά. Σε αυτήν την ομιλία, εξερευνώ στην σύλληψη του Ελληνοκύπριο αστυνομικό αρχαιοτήτων Στέφανου Στεφάνου από την τουρκοκυπριακή αστυνομία αρχαιοτήτων, και τον θάνατο του στην τουρκοκυπριακή προφυλάκιση.
Ata Atun's article's withdrawal, apology asked
I have asked Açık Gazetesi, Avrupa Gazetesi, Aytürk, Başaran Press, Demokrat Mersin Gazetesi, Haber Cumhuriyeti, Haber TE, Hür Yorum Gazetesi, Kıbrıs Gazetesi, Kıbrıs Postası, Kıbrıs Rota Gazetesi, Kıbrıs 1974, KKTC Medya, Samsun Haber Portal, and Trakya Net Haber Gazetesi for the withdrawal of Ata Atun's article, and for his apology.
Sayın Baylar/Bayanlar [Dear Sirs/Madams],(Being tired, without thinking, I only included the red sentence in my letters to Açık Gazetesi, Başaran Press, Demokrat Mersin Gazetesi, Kıbrıs Gazetesi, Samsun Haber Portal, ve Trakya Net Haber Gazetesi. I contacted Avrupa Gazetesi separately.)
Ata Atun'un benim konuşmam hakkında yazısı yanlıştır. Çok ciddi de yanlışlar vardır. Önce beni sormadı. Sonra onu düzeltledim ama bana önemsemedi. Ayıptır.
[Ata Atun's article about my talk is wrong. And there are very serious falsehoods. Before he didn't ask me. After I corrected him but he ignored me. It is a shame.]
Benim (İngilizcesi'nde) konuşmam şu adreste bulunabilir [My talk is available at this address (in English)]: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Benim Kufi Seydali'nin iddialarına (İngilizcesi'nde) düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir [My corrections of Kufi Seydali's claims are available at this address (in English)]: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/trnc-rep-kufi-seydali-political.html
Benim Ata Atun'un iddialarına (İngilizcesi'nde) düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir [My corrections of Ata Atun's claims are available at this address (in English)]: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/ata-atun-academics-lies.html
Benim Ata Atun'un iddialarına (Türkçesi'nde) düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir [My corrections of Ata Atun's claims are available at this address (in Turkish)]: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/ata-atun-akademisyenin-yalanlar.html
Özür ederim, ama sizin sitesinizden şu yazısını sökmesinizi sormam lazım. Onun sözünü geri almasını, onun mücadelesi için özür etmesini bekliyorum.
[I am sorry, but I must request your removal of this article from your site. I expect him to take back his words, and to apologise for his campaign.]
Saygılarımla [Yours faithfully],
Sam Hardy
Sunday, 25 April 2010
Ata Atun'un yazısını sökmesi, özür etmesi için sormam
Açık Gazetesi, Aytürk, Başaran Press, Demokrat Mersin Gazetesi, Haber Cumhuriyeti, Haber TE, Hür Yorum Gazetesi, Kıbrıs Gazetesi, Kıbrıs Postası, Kıbrıs Rota Gazetesi, Kıbrıs 1974, KKTC Medya, Samsun Haber Portal, Seeangel, ve Trakya Net Haber Gazetesi'ne onların Ata Atun'un yazısını sökmesi, onun özür etmesi için sormama yazdım.
Sayın Baylar/Bayanlar,(Yorgun olduğum, düşünmeyip sadece Açık Gazetesi, Başaran Press, Demokrat Mersin Gazetesi, Kıbrıs Gazetesi, Samsun Haber Portal, Seeangel ve Trakya Net Haber Gazetesi'ndeki yazılarımda kırmızı cümleyi içerdim.)
Ata Atun'un benim konuşmam hakkında yazısı yanlıştır. Çok ciddi de yanlışlar vardır. Önce beni sormadı. Sonra onu düzeltledim ama bana önemsemedi. Ayıptır.
Benim (İngilizcesi'nde) konuşmam şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Benim Kufi Seydali'nin iddialarına (İngilizcesi'nde) düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/trnc-rep-kufi-seydali-political.html
Benim Ata Atun'un iddialarına (İngilizcesi'nde) düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/ata-atun-academics-lies.html
Benim Ata Atun'un iddialarına (Türkçesi'nde) düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/ata-atun-akademisyenin-yalanlar.html
Özür ederim, ama sizin sitesinizden şu yazısını sökmesinizi sormam lazım. Onun sözünü geri almasını, onun mücadelesi için özür etmesini bekliyorum.
Saygılarımla,
Sam Hardy
Saturday, 24 April 2010
Ata Atun: international libel; unprofessional, unscholarly
Doubly academic Professor Doctor Ata Atun has continued not to reply to me, either directly or indirectly, publicly or [replied to me] privately. Instead [Nonetheless], he has persisted in his unprofessional, unscholarly, international libel.
(Since I am making possibly controversial claims, the in-text hyperlinks are links to the Oxford Dictionary's, or academics', definitions of controversial words.)
I just found out that, on the 19th of April, six days after I corrected his false claims and gave him access to my conference paper (Hardy, 2010), and the very same day one newspaper forwarded to him my request for a retraction and an apology, Prof. Dr. Ata Atun published the English Academic's Lies [İngiliz Akademisyenin Yalanları] in the German Turkish newspaper, Hür Yorum Gazetesi.
"Hür Yorum" translates as "Free Comment"; yet as Guardian editor C. P. Snow said, '[c]omment is free, but facts are sacred'.
Atun repeated propagandistic hearsay, in rabble-rousing language, then withheld correct and corrective information from his readers. His propaganda was hateful, both arousing and deserving of hatred.
Unrequited correspondence
These are ultimately unimportant (for readers). I'm posting them so that they are a matter of public record.
On the 13th of April, I told Atun,
Today (on the 25th of April), I have asked Atun,
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Hür Yorum Gazetesi, 19. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.huryorum.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&catid=43:ata-atun&Itemid=186. [Ayrıca şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.huryorum.eu/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&Itemid=186.]
Hardy, S A. 2010: "Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish deep state: the rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou". Paper presented at the International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict, Vienna, Austria, 6th-10th April. Available at: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Scott, C P. 2002 [1921]: "Comment is free, but facts are sacred". The Guardian, 29th November. Available at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2002/nov/29/1
[Long paragraphs were broken to make them easy-to-read in a blog post.]
(Since I am making possibly controversial claims, the in-text hyperlinks are links to the Oxford Dictionary's, or academics', definitions of controversial words.)
I just found out that, on the 19th of April, six days after I corrected his false claims and gave him access to my conference paper (Hardy, 2010), and the very same day one newspaper forwarded to him my request for a retraction and an apology, Prof. Dr. Ata Atun published the English Academic's Lies [İngiliz Akademisyenin Yalanları] in the German Turkish newspaper, Hür Yorum Gazetesi.
"Hür Yorum" translates as "Free Comment"; yet as Guardian editor C. P. Snow said, '[c]omment is free, but facts are sacred'.
Its [a newspaper's] primary office is the gathering of news. At the peril of its soul it must see that the supply is not tainted.Atun's supply was tainted; he did not control or check his supply, and when he was shown that his source, propagandist Kufi Seydali, was tainted, he continued to use and publish the disinformation unchanged.
Neither in what it gives, nor in what it does not give, nor in the mode of presentation must the unclouded face of truth suffer wrong.
Comment is free, but facts are sacred. "Propaganda", so called, by this means is hateful (Scott, 2002 [1921]).
Atun repeated propagandistic hearsay, in rabble-rousing language, then withheld correct and corrective information from his readers. His propaganda was hateful, both arousing and deserving of hatred.
Unrequited correspondence
These are ultimately unimportant (for readers). I'm posting them so that they are a matter of public record.
On the 13th of April, I told Atun,
I am sorry, but you cannot protest my words, because Kufi Seydali did not quote any in his inaccurate summary of my conference paper.On the 19th of April, I wrote to one newspaper (and its editor forwarded to Atun):
I spent six months living in Famagusta (when, in fact, I met you and you were kind enough to provide me with a copy of your book of Cypriot village names), and I visited northern Cyprus from southern Cyprus very regularly.
(I used your book when visiting Turkish Cypriots' abandoned villages in southern Cyprus, and when visiting Turkish Cypriots' mosques in northern Cyprus, which had been damaged or destroyed by Greek Cypriots before the Turkish intervention.)
You may read an early version of the peper [sic - paper] I presented here: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2009/03/death-and-denial-stephanos-stephanou.html
There, you will see that I specifically stated that 'Turkish Cypriot police were trying to stop the illicit antiquities trade'. You will also see that I explicitly stated that '[n]either the Turkish Cypriot administration, nor the Turkish state, nor even the Turkish army, per se, "plunders" northern Cyprus'.
When Kufi Seydali inaccurately summarised my paper in the conference session (without stating his official positions, or even his name), I invited him to discuss the issue afterwards; but he chose not to. Mr. Seydali left, while I spoke with a Turkish Embassy official. The Turkish Embasy [sic - Embassy] official had no complaints about my paper.
You have been misled. I hope that my actual words reassure you. Perhaps, in future, instead of complaining about misrepresentations, you might ask me what I actually said.
I would like Prof. Atun to publish a withdrawal of the accusations that:At the same time, I also wrote to a Turkish Cypriot journalist contact, to 'reassure [him] that most of the things [Atun] said were partly inaccurate, or completely incorrect', and my contact told me that he could 'talk [to Atun]' for me.
I lied;
I equated the Turkish Cypriot State with the Turkish Deep State;
I held the Turkish Deep State responsible for all the ills of Cyprus;
I said the Turkish Cypriot Police had tortured Stephanos Stephanou;
I said the Turkish Cypriot Police had tortured to death Stephanos Stephanou;
I presented the Turkish Cypriot State as illegal and criminal; and that
I said the Turkish Cypriots had looted all of the island's ancient sites.
I would also like Prof. Atun to call a halt to his international, media and online campaign against me, which was unscholarly; and to apologise for his inaccurate, unchecked, defamatory article, which was unprofessional.
Today (on the 25th of April), I have asked Atun,
Please, stop publishing the libellous article. / Lütfen, karalayıcı yazısınızı yayınlaya durunuz.Bibliography
My talk is available here: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Benim konuşmam şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
My corrections to Kufi Seydali's claims are available here: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/trnc-rep-kufi-seydali-political.html
Benim Kufi Seydali'nin iddialarına düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/trnc-rep-kufi-seydali-political.html
My corrections to your claims are available here (in English): http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/ata-atun-academics-lies.html
Benim sizin iddialarınıza (Türkçesinde) düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/ata-atun-akademisyenin-yalanlar.html
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Hür Yorum Gazetesi, 19. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.huryorum.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&catid=43:ata-atun&Itemid=186. [Ayrıca şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.huryorum.eu/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&Itemid=186.]
Hardy, S A. 2010: "Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish deep state: the rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou". Paper presented at the International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict, Vienna, Austria, 6th-10th April. Available at: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Scott, C P. 2002 [1921]: "Comment is free, but facts are sacred". The Guardian, 29th November. Available at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2002/nov/29/1
[Long paragraphs were broken to make them easy-to-read in a blog post.]
Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish deep state
Hardy, S A. 2010: "Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish Deep State: The rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou". Paper presented at the World Archaeological Congress International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict, Vienna, Austria, 6th-10th April. Available at: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Looting of Cypriot cultural heritage has been a problem since the Nineteenth Century, but a paramilitary-controlled illicit antiquities trade was established and grew massively during the intercommunal conflict of 1963-1974. After the Greek junta-backed coup and the Turkish invasion of 1974, the worst extremes continued in northern Cyprus.
Looted antiquities' "rescue" has long been one "solution". This solution has included not only a secret agreement between Greek Cypriot archaeologists and Greek Cypriot private collectors, but also apparently illegal Greek Cypriot undercover antiquities police purchasing from Turkish Cypriot and Turkish nationalist terrorist groups.
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot administrations' mutual non-cooperation has elicited tragic consequences not only for Cypriot cultural heritage. In this talk, I explore Greek Cypriot undercover antiquities police agent Stephanos Stephanou's arrest by Turkish Cypriot antiquities police, and his death in Turkish Cypriot custody.
Looting of Cypriot cultural heritage has been a problem since the Nineteenth Century, but a paramilitary-controlled illicit antiquities trade was established and grew massively during the intercommunal conflict of 1963-1974. After the Greek junta-backed coup and the Turkish invasion of 1974, the worst extremes continued in northern Cyprus.
Looted antiquities' "rescue" has long been one "solution". This solution has included not only a secret agreement between Greek Cypriot archaeologists and Greek Cypriot private collectors, but also apparently illegal Greek Cypriot undercover antiquities police purchasing from Turkish Cypriot and Turkish nationalist terrorist groups.
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot administrations' mutual non-cooperation has elicited tragic consequences not only for Cypriot cultural heritage. In this talk, I explore Greek Cypriot undercover antiquities police agent Stephanos Stephanou's arrest by Turkish Cypriot antiquities police, and his death in Turkish Cypriot custody.
Friday, 23 April 2010
Ata Atun: no comments allowed / hiç yoruma izin verilmez
Apparently, no comments are allowed on Ata Atun's website.
Galiba, Ata Atun'un sitesinde hiç yorum yapmasına izin verilmez.
I tried to give links to my talk, and to my corrections of Kufi Seydali and Ata Atun's articles (in English and Turkish) in a comment on Atun's blog post. It was impossible, however, because there was no "submit comment" button (see images 1 and 2).
Konuşmama, ve Kufi Seydali'nin yorumlarına ve (İngilizcesi'nde ve Türkçesi'nde) Ata Atun'un yazılarına düzeltlerime bağlantıları, Atun'un blog kayıtına yorumda vermeye çalıştım. O olamazdı, zaten, çünkü hiç bir "yorumu teslim et" düğmesi yoktu (resim 1'e ve 2'e bakınız).
Image 1 / Resim 1
Image 2 / Resim 2
Galiba, Ata Atun'un sitesinde hiç yorum yapmasına izin verilmez.
I tried to give links to my talk, and to my corrections of Kufi Seydali and Ata Atun's articles (in English and Turkish) in a comment on Atun's blog post. It was impossible, however, because there was no "submit comment" button (see images 1 and 2).
Konuşmama, ve Kufi Seydali'nin yorumlarına ve (İngilizcesi'nde ve Türkçesi'nde) Ata Atun'un yazılarına düzeltlerime bağlantıları, Atun'un blog kayıtına yorumda vermeye çalıştım. O olamazdı, zaten, çünkü hiç bir "yorumu teslim et" düğmesi yoktu (resim 1'e ve 2'e bakınız).
My talk is available here: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Benim konuşmam şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
My corrections to Kufi Seydali's claims are available here: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/trnc-rep-kufi-seydali-political.html
Benim Kufi Seydali'nin iddialarına düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/trnc-rep-kufi-seydali-political.html
My corrections to your claims are available here (in English): http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/ata-atun-academics-lies.html
Benim sizin iddialarınıza (Türkçesinde) düzeltlerim şu adreste bulunabilir: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/ata-atun-akademisyenin-yalanlar.html
Image 1 / Resim 1
Image 2 / Resim 2
Wednesday, 21 April 2010
Ata Atun: İngiliz Akademisyenin Yalanları
Kıbrıs'taki, Türkiye'deki, İngiltere'deki [ve Almanya'daki] gazetelerde İngiliz Akademisyenin Yalanları'nı yazarak, Prof. Dr. Ata Atun benim araştırmamı 'politik propagandanın bir şaheseri' olan kötü temsil etti.
Benim konuşmamı, adı Türk Derin Devlet'ten Kıbrıs'ın tarihi eserleri kurtarması: Taklitlerin kurtarılması ve Stephanos Stephanou'nun ölümü [Cypriot Antiquities Rescue from the Turkish Deep State: the Rescue of Forgeries, and the Death of Stephanos Stephanou], araştırma blogumda yayımladım.
İsimsiz'in Ata Atun'un kaynağı olan (en az, geçmiş) KKTC Fahri Temsilci Kufi Seydali'ni şerh ve izah/tefsir ettiğini yanlışlığını kanıtladım.
Kıbrıs'ta, Türkiye'de, Britanya'da ve Almanya'daki akademisyen yalanları
Bana doğruluğunu kanıtlaması için bağlantıya geçmeyip Yakın Doğu Üniversitesi'ndeki Prof. Dr. Ata Atun Kufi Seydali'nin fikirlerini gazete yazısında tekrar etti. (Atun'un tek başka mesleği gazetecilik değildir. Hem Demokratik Partisi hem de Ulusal Birlik Partisi politikacılarının bir danışmanı oldu.)
Atun'un meslekçe yazısı Kıbrıslı Türk Açık Gazete, Kıbrıs Gazetesi, Kıbrıs Postası, Kıbrıs Rota Gazetesi, Başaran Press, KKTC Medya ve Kıbrıs 1974 sitesinde (ilaveten Ata Atun'un kendisinin sitesinde) yayımlandı.
Hem de Türk Demokrat Mersin Gazetesi, Trakya Net Haber Gazetesi, Haber Cumhuriyeti, Haber TE, ROGG ve NOK Haber Merkezi, Samsun Haber, [ve Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi, ve] Türk gazeteci Ahmet Akyol'un sitesi, Turkish Forum ve Seeangel sitesinde yayımlandı.
Ayrıca, Azerbeycan'daki Bakü Strateji Araştırmalar ve Haberler Merkezi (Bakı Strateji Araşdırmalar və Xəbərlər Mərkəzi), Almanya'daki sürgün Türk toplumun [Hür Yorum Gazetesi ve] Aytürk sitesinde, benim mahalli gazetem de Kuzey Londra'daki Kıbrıslı Türk Avrupa Gazetesi'nde yayımlandı.
'... protestolarınızı iletin'
Atun yazısına böylece nokta koydu:
Arkadaşımın söylediği gibi, 'insanlar onun düşündüğünden daha çok yetişkindir [it means that people are more mature than he thinks they are]'.
Hâlâ şöyle kötü temsil etme beni, benim çalışmamı tehlikeye atabilir zaten. Türkiye'de arkadaşlarıma ziyaret etmem için vize almak gibi şeyler daha çok zor olurdu (ne zamansa). Böyle Atun'un iddia etmelerini doğru etmem lazım.
Kıbrıs'tan Avrupa'ya iddialar
Ata Atun'un yazısını tekrarlacağım. Sözlerimin en kötü çarpıtılmasını [parantez] içinde notlarla işaretleyip sonra ayrıntılıca düzelterim.
Atun'un heyecanlandırıcı konuşmasını kullandı. Mesela, benim hakkında 'yalanları yüzü kızarmadan da söyleyen', 'sersem' olduğumu söyledi. Onun heyecanlandırıcı konuşmasına önemsemerim. Sadece onun hakiki iddialarını odaklanarım.
Britanyalı Sömürge İdaresi döneminde yasadışı antikalar ticareti
Bu konu hakkında, belki Atun'un kaynağı, Kufi Seydali, karışmıştırdı. Hem "by" hem de "until" "-a kadar" söylenir. Ancak "by" "-dan sonra oldu(ğunu biliyoruz)", "until" "-dan önce oldu(ğunu biliyoruz)" kastedilir.
Anonymous/Atun 'until 1955 [1955 yılından önce oluyordu]'/'1955 yılına kadar' 'güvenlik altındaymış' söylediğimi söyledi. Onu söylemedim zaten. Onun karşısavına yakın bir şeyi söyledim.
Bir 'uzun yağmalama tarihi [long history of looting]' olduğu, Britanyalı Sömürge İdaresinin bu yağmalamanı '1955 yılından sonra [by 1955]' kontrol edildiğini söyledim.
Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti'nin yasal durumu
'KKTC'yi yasadışı ve suçlu bir varlık' olduğunu ne gösterdim, ne de göstermeye çalıştım. Hiç bir zaman ya onun yasallığı ya onun durumu hakkında bahsetmedim.
TMT ve Derin Devlet
Kıbrıs Türk Devlet'i '"Derin Devlet"'le eşleştirilmeye' çalışmadım. TMT'nin Derin Devlet'e bağlantısı gerçektir zaten. 'TMT'yi STK[/ÖHD/Kontr-Gerilla] kurdu' (Radikal, 2008). (STK Seferberlik Taktik Kurulu'nu demektir. STK olarak da bilinen ÖHD, bu Özel Harp Dairesi'ni demektir.)
Radikal (2008) anlattı ki,
Ayriyetten, Kıbrıslı Türk gazeteci Yusuf Kanlı'ya göre (2007), TMT 'Güvenlik Kuvvetleri Komutanlığı'na değiştirildi [[was] convert[ed] into the Turkish Cypriot Security Command]'. Böyle, varmaya devam etti.
Aslında, 'soyguncular [plunderers]', 'Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin kontrolunun dışarı ve ötesi Türkçü derin devlet oluşturan Türk ve Kıbrıslı Türk milliyetçi çeteler [Turkish and Turkish Cypriot nationalist gangs, which form a Turkist deep state, which operates outside and beyond Turkish state control]' olduğunu söyledim (Hardy, 2010 - önemini belirtildi).
Stephanos Stephanou'nun ölümü
'Steohanou [sic] ise Türk Derin Devletine bağlı polis tarafından insan haklarından yoksun bırakılmış ve ölene dek işkence yapılmış' diye söylemedim.
Stephanou insan haklarından yoksun bırakıldığını söylemedim. Stephanou işkence yapıldığını söylemedim. Kıbrıslı Türk Polis, Türk Derin Devlet olduğunu söylemedim. Kıbrıslı Türk Polis'ini kastediğim zamanda, Türk Türk Derin Devlet'i söylemedim, ne tersini söyledim.
'Antika kaçakçılığı ciddi suç olarak, Kıbrıslı Türk Polisi Stephanos Stephanou'nu kanunen tutabilirdi [[a]s antiquities smuggling is a serious crime, Turkish Cypriot police were legally able to detain Stephanos Stephanou without charge]' diye açıkladım. Kıbrıslı Türk Polisi'nin 'iyiniyetle [in good faith]' davranmasını inandım.
Başlangıçta, 'polisin mümkün gaddarlığı [possible police brutality]' bahsettim. Sonra, onun kız çocuğu, Katerina Liasis'in 'o "şiddetlice dövüldü ve sorgunlandı" [he had been "beaten heavily and interrogated"]' söylediğini alıntı yaptım (Brennan, 2008).
Atun/Anonymous (2010) Atun'un kaynağı, Kufi Seydali'ni Birleşmiş Milletler'in memurların Stephanos Stephanou'na ziyaret ettiği hakkında konuştu. Ben hiç bir zaman bu şeyi bahsetmedim. Apaçıkça, benim konuşmamın önce Seydali Stephanou'nun davasını bildi.
Türk Derin Devlet'in Stephanou'nu 'öldürdü [murder[ed]]' diye söyledim. Zamanım yok olduğunden kaynaklarımı alıntı yapmadım.
Kıbrıslı Yunan patolog Eleni Antoniou Stephanou'nun 'pataklama mağduru [victim of a beating]' olduğunu tanımladı (Kathimerini (2007) belirtildi).
Yeterli açıklama ve düzeltmeyi verdiğimi umarım. Ancak, belki yardım etmeyecek. Seydalı (2010) Turkish Forum'da yorumladı ki:
Anonymous. 2010: "Archaeology in conflict". Turkish Forum, 10th April. Available at: http://www.turkishforum.com.tr/tr/content/2010/04/10/archaeology-in-conflict/
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Açık Gazetesi, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.acikgazete.com/yazarlar/ata-atun/2010/04/11/ingiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlari.htm. [Ayrıca şunlar adreste bulunabilir: http://suvedefne.com/yazarlar/ata-atun/2010/04/11/ingiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlari.htm; http://www.turkishgate.com/yazarlar/ata-atun/2010/04/11/ingiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlari.htm.]
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Ata Atun, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.ataatun.com/ingiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlari/
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Aytürk, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.ayturk.de/kose.php?id=265
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Başaran Press, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.basaranpress.com/yazar/3326-ata-atun-ingiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlari.html. [Ayrıca şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.basaranpress.com/yazdir.asp?haber=3326; http://www.basaranpress.com/ms_word.asp?haber=3326.]
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Haber Cumhuriyeti, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.habercumhuriyeti.com/yazar/PROFDR-ATA-ATUN/818/Ingiliz-Akademisyenin-Yalanlari.html
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Haber TE, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.haberte.com/author_article_detail.php?id=2210
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Kıbrıs 1974, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.kibris1974.com/ingiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlari-t110341.html
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". KKTC Medya, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.kktcmedya.com/yazar/2264-ata-atun-ingiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlari.html. [Ayrıca şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.kktcmedya.com/popup/haber-ms-word.asp?haber=2264.]
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Samsun Haber, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.samsunhaberportal.com/haber_detay.asp?bolum=30389&uyeid=59
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Trakya Net Haber, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.trakyanethaber.com/yeni/koseyazi.asp?yid=39&id=2727
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Turkish Forum, 11. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.turkishforum.com.tr/tr/content/2010/04/11/ingiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlari/
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Ahmet Akyol, 12. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.ahmetakyol.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=6220
[Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Bakı Strateji Araşdırmalar və Xəbərlər Mərkəzi, 12. Aprel. Bu adresde: http://baksam.com/news/i_ngiliz_akademisyenin_yalanlari/2010-04-12-1247]
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Demokrat Mersin Gazetesi, 12. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.demokratmersin.com/editornews.asp?ID=1135
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Kıbrıs Gazetesi, 12. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.kibrisgazetesi.com/index.php/cat/1/col/151/art/14130/PageName/Ana_sayfa
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Kıbrıs Postası, 12. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.kibrispostasi.com/index.php/cat/35/col/97/art/7801/
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Kıbrıs Rota Gazetesi, 12. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://rotagazetesi.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=14400&Itemid=34
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". ROGG ve NOK Haber Merkezi, 12. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.cdgbim.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2745:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&catid=1:son-haberler&Itemid=50
[Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Seeangel, 13. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.seeangel.com/index.php/nazifkaracamyazilari/8063?task=view]
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Avrupa Gazetesi, 15. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.avrupagazete.com/avrupa.asp?Id=12130
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi, 18.-24. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.dunyagundemi.com/279/Ingiliz-Yalanlari.html
Atun, A. 2010: "İngiliz akademisyenin yalanları [the English academic's lies]". Hür Yorum Gazetesi, 19. Nisan. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.huryorum.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&catid=43:ata-atun&Itemid=186. [Ayrıca şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.huryorum.eu/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:ngiliz-akademisyenin-yalanlar&Itemid=186.]
Hardy, S A. 2010a: "Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish deep state: the rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou". Paper presented at the International Conference on Archaeology in Conflict, Vienna, Austria, 6th-10th April. Available at: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/archaeology-conflict-antiquities-rescue.html
Hardy, S A. 2010b: "TRNC Representative Küfi Seydalı: a 'masterpiece in political propaganda'?" Cultural Heritage in Conflict [weblog], 18th April. Available at: http://human-rights-archaeology.blogspot.com/2010/04/trnc-rep-kufi-seydali-political.html
Kanlı, Y. 2007: "The forgotten cost [unutulmuş ücret]". Turkish Daily News, 7th December. Originally available at: http://www.turkishdailynews.com.tr/article.php?enewsid=90657. [Still available at: http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/h.php?news=the-forgotten-cost-2007-12-07.]
Radikal. 2008: "Gladyo-Ergenekon yol kardeşliği". Radikal, 13. Ağustos. Şu adreste bulunabilir: http://www.radikal.com.tr/Default.aspx?aType=Detay&ArticleID=893195&Date=13.08.2008&CategoryID=77
Seydali, K. 2010: "Archaeology in Conflict: Comment". Turkish Forum, 17th April. Available at: http://www.turkishforum.com.tr/tr/content/2010/04/10/archaeology-in-conflict/comment-page-1/#comment-5000
Benim konuşmamı, adı Türk Derin Devlet'ten Kıbrıs'ın tarihi eserleri kurtarması: Taklitlerin kurtarılması ve Stephanos Stephanou'nun ölümü [Cypriot Antiquities Rescue from the Turkish Deep State: the Rescue of Forgeries, and the Death of Stephanos Stephanou], araştırma blogumda yayımladım.
İsimsiz'in Ata Atun'un kaynağı olan (en az, geçmiş) KKTC Fahri Temsilci Kufi Seydali'ni şerh ve izah/tefsir ettiğini yanlışlığını kanıtladım.
Kıbrıs'ta, Türkiye'de, Britanya'da ve Almanya'daki akademisyen yalanları
Bana doğruluğunu kanıtlaması için bağlantıya geçmeyip Yakın Doğu Üniversitesi'ndeki Prof. Dr. Ata Atun Kufi Seydali'nin fikirlerini gazete yazısında tekrar etti. (Atun'un tek başka mesleği gazetecilik değildir. Hem Demokratik Partisi hem de Ulusal Birlik Partisi politikacılarının bir danışmanı oldu.)
Atun'un meslekçe yazısı Kıbrıslı Türk Açık Gazete, Kıbrıs Gazetesi, Kıbrıs Postası, Kıbrıs Rota Gazetesi, Başaran Press, KKTC Medya ve Kıbrıs 1974 sitesinde (ilaveten Ata Atun'un kendisinin sitesinde) yayımlandı.
Hem de Türk Demokrat Mersin Gazetesi, Trakya Net Haber Gazetesi, Haber Cumhuriyeti, Haber TE, ROGG ve NOK Haber Merkezi, Samsun Haber, [ve Yeni Dünya Gündemi Gazetesi, ve] Türk gazeteci Ahmet Akyol'un sitesi, Turkish Forum ve Seeangel sitesinde yayımlandı.
Ayrıca, Azerbeycan'daki Bakü Strateji Araştırmalar ve Haberler Merkezi (Bakı Strateji Araşdırmalar və Xəbərlər Mərkəzi), Almanya'daki sürgün Türk toplumun [Hür Yorum Gazetesi ve] Aytürk sitesinde, benim mahalli gazetem de Kuzey Londra'daki Kıbrıslı Türk Avrupa Gazetesi'nde yayımlandı.
'... protestolarınızı iletin'
Atun yazısına böylece nokta koydu:
Artık organize olmamızın zamanı gelmiştir. Bizler de dünyaya kendi doğrularımızı anlatabilmeli ve onların önüne Kıbrıs'ın gerçeklerini sermeliyiz.Atun'un üç ülkede binlerce gazete okucuları, sayısız internet okucularına rağmen, sadece Atun'dan bir mektup aldım.
Sam Hardy'nin e-mail adresi "[silinmiş]" ve tez hocası Prof. [silinmiş]'un e-mail adresi "[silinmiş]" dir. Lütfen bu adreslere protestolarınızı iletin ve Sam Hardy'in Kıbrıslı Türkler ile ilgili söylediklerinin doğruları yansıtmadığını belirtin.
Arkadaşımın söylediği gibi, 'insanlar onun düşündüğünden daha çok yetişkindir [it means that people are more mature than he thinks they are]'.
Hâlâ şöyle kötü temsil etme beni, benim çalışmamı tehlikeye atabilir zaten. Türkiye'de arkadaşlarıma ziyaret etmem için vize almak gibi şeyler daha çok zor olurdu (ne zamansa). Böyle Atun'un iddia etmelerini doğru etmem lazım.
Kıbrıs'tan Avrupa'ya iddialar
Ata Atun'un yazısını tekrarlacağım. Sözlerimin en kötü çarpıtılmasını [parantez] içinde notlarla işaretleyip sonra ayrıntılıca düzelterim.
Atun'un heyecanlandırıcı konuşmasını kullandı. Mesela, benim hakkında 'yalanları yüzü kızarmadan da söyleyen', 'sersem' olduğumu söyledi. Onun heyecanlandırıcı konuşmasına önemsemerim. Sadece onun hakiki iddialarını odaklanarım.
Viyana'da yaşayan kıymetli dostum Kufi Seydali'den bir yazı aldım dün. Kalbi Kıbrıs sevgisi ile dolu olan Kufi arkadaşım, Cumartesi günü BM'nin Viyana'daki merkezinde haftalık olarak düzenlenen konferanslardan birindeki Kıbrıs'la ilgili bölüme katıldığından ve o konferansta söylenen yalanlardan bahsediyordu.Düzeltiler
Üstelik bu yalanları yüzü kızarmadan da söyleyen İngiliz bir akademisyen.
Nasıl akademisyense.
Konuşmasının başlığı "Türk Derin Devletinden Kıbrıs'a ait tarihi eserleri kurtarmak: Taklitlerin kurtarılması ve Stephanos Stephanou'nun ölümü [Cypriot antiquities rescue from the Turkish Deep State: the rescue of forgeries, and the death of Stephanos Stephanou]".
Doktora öğrencisi Sam Hardy'nin yaptığı konuşma akademik olmaktan başka her şeye benziyordu diyor Kufi dostum.
Kıbrıs'ta yaşanmış tüm kötülüklerden sorumlu olduğunu iddia ettiği, tanımlanamayan ve hayali bir varlık olan "Derin Devlet'le eşleştirilmeye çalıştığı TMT'ye ve Kıbrıs Türk Devletine üstü kapaklı bir saldırı yapmış bu kişi [kesinlikle yanlış].
Sam Hardy'e göre İngiliz [sic] Sömürge İdaresi döneminde ve 1955 yılına kadar Kıbrıs'a ait tarihi eserler güvenlik altındaymış [belki yanlış anlaşılmış]. Rum milliyetçisi ENOSİS hareketi ile birlikte Türk Derin Devleti'nin bir devamı olan TMT ortaya çıkmış.
Toplumlararası çatışmalardan sonra Kıbrıslı Türkler, anklavlar da yaşamak zorunda bırakılmış ve anklavların içinde TMT'nin yardımları ile, dışarıda da Kıbrıslı Rumların yardımları ile Kıbrıs'ın tarihi eser zenginliklerini yağmalamışlar.
Zavallı Kıbrıslı Türkleri ve TMT'yi, Rumlara karşı verdikleri silahlı mücadelelerini finanse edebilmek için ekonomik nedenlerle bu işi yaptıkları iddiası ile de aklamaya da çalışmış bu sersem İngiliz akademisyen.
Sonra da gizli çalışan ve özellikle Kıbrıs'ın kültür mirası olan çok eski ve kıymetli bir İncil'i kurtarmak için Kıbrıs'ın kuzeyine gizlice geçen Kıbrıs Rum polis subayı Stephano [sic] Stephanou adlı bir hayali Rum kahramanı yaratmaya çalışmış.
Sam Hardy'e göre Stephanou'nun Kıbrıslı Türk yardakçıları varmış ve bunlar Kıbrıs Türk polisi tarafından yakalanmış ve sorgulandıktan sonra da serbest bırakılmış. Steohanou [sic] ise Türk Derin Devletine bağlı polis tarafından insan haklarından yoksun bırakılmış ve ölene dek işkence yapılmış [birazcık aldatıcı].
Sözlerine devamla akıl almaz bir varsayım ortaya atmış ve Kutlu Adalı'nın da aynı nedenle, yani Kıbrıs'ın kültürel varlığının çalındığını rapor etmesi nedeni ile Türk Derin Devleti tarafından öldürüldüğünü iddia etmiş.
Kufi dostum bu sunumu, KKTC'ye yapılan saldırıyı gözlerden saklamak ve sanki de bu konudaki sorumluluğu Rum ve Türk taraflarına eşit olarak dağıtmaya çalışan bir çaba olarak gösterilmeye çalışılsa da, gerçekte uluslararası bilimsel bir forumu kullanarak KKTC'yi yasadışı ve suçlu bir varlık gibi göstermek amacını güden politik propagandanın bir şaheseri olarak tanımlamakta [kesinlikle yanlış].
Kufi dostum bu akademisyene, nasıl olur da adanın yüze üçüne sıkıştırılmış Kıbrıslı Türkler adanın tümündeki eski eserleri yağmalayabilir [kesinlikle yanlış] veya Mısır, Hindistan ve Kıbrıs'a ait sayısız tarihi eserlerin "British Museum"a kim taşıdı gibi terletici sorular da sormuş.
Artık bizlerin de, Türkçe yazılar yazıp kendi kendimizi, "sağırlar, körler birbirini ağırlar" misali kandıracağımıza, dünya dili olan İngilizce ile yazılarımızı yazıp, haklı davamızı, Avrupa ve Amerika'daki ilgili kişi ve kuruluşlara bıkmadan usanmadan göndererek gözler önüne sermemiz ve savunmamız gerekmektedir.
Britanyalı Sömürge İdaresi döneminde yasadışı antikalar ticareti
Bu konu hakkında, belki Atun'un kaynağı, Kufi Seydali, karışmıştırdı. Hem "by" hem de "until" "-a kadar" söylenir. Ancak "by" "-dan sonra oldu(ğunu biliyoruz)", "until" "-dan önce oldu(ğunu biliyoruz)" kastedilir.
Anonymous/Atun 'until 1955 [1955 yılından önce oluyordu]'/'1955 yılına kadar' 'güvenlik altındaymış' söylediğimi söyledi. Onu söylemedim zaten. Onun karşısavına yakın bir şeyi söyledim.
Bir 'uzun yağmalama tarihi [long history of looting]' olduğu, Britanyalı Sömürge İdaresinin bu yağmalamanı '1955 yılından sonra [by 1955]' kontrol edildiğini söyledim.
Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti'nin yasal durumu
'KKTC'yi yasadışı ve suçlu bir varlık' olduğunu ne gösterdim, ne de göstermeye çalıştım. Hiç bir zaman ya onun yasallığı ya onun durumu hakkında bahsetmedim.
TMT ve Derin Devlet
Kıbrıs Türk Devlet'i '"Derin Devlet"'le eşleştirilmeye' çalışmadım. TMT'nin Derin Devlet'e bağlantısı gerçektir zaten. 'TMT'yi STK[/ÖHD/Kontr-Gerilla] kurdu' (Radikal, 2008). (STK Seferberlik Taktik Kurulu'nu demektir. STK olarak da bilinen ÖHD, bu Özel Harp Dairesi'ni demektir.)
Radikal (2008) anlattı ki,
Dönemin Başbakanı Adnan Menderes ve Dışişleri Bakanı Fatin Rüştü Zorlu'nun talimatıyla Genelkurmay'a bağlı Özel Harp Dairesi'nde EOKA'ya karşı bir örgüt kurulması kararı alındı. 1957'de Türk Mukavemet Teşkilatı (TMT) kuruldu.(Ayrıca bakınız Hiçyılmaz, 2001a; 2001b.)
Ayriyetten, Kıbrıslı Türk gazeteci Yusuf Kanlı'ya göre (2007), TMT 'Güvenlik Kuvvetleri Komutanlığı'na değiştirildi [[was] convert[ed] into the Turkish Cypriot Security Command]'. Böyle, varmaya devam etti.
Aslında, 'soyguncular [plunderers]', 'Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin kontrolunun dışarı ve ötesi Türkçü derin devlet oluşturan Türk ve Kıbrıslı Türk milliyetçi çeteler [Turkish and Turkish Cypriot nationalist gangs, which form a Turkist deep state, which operates outside and beyond Turkish state control]' olduğunu söyledim (Hardy, 2010 - önemini belirtildi).
Stephanos Stephanou'nun ölümü
'Steohanou [sic] ise Türk Derin Devletine bağlı polis tarafından insan haklarından yoksun bırakılmış ve ölene dek işkence yapılmış' diye söylemedim.
Stephanou insan haklarından yoksun bırakıldığını söylemedim. Stephanou işkence yapıldığını söylemedim. Kıbrıslı Türk Polis, Türk Derin Devlet olduğunu söylemedim. Kıbrıslı Türk Polis'ini kastediğim zamanda, Türk Türk Derin Devlet'i söylemedim, ne tersini söyledim.
'Antika kaçakçılığı ciddi suç olarak, Kıbrıslı Türk Polisi Stephanos Stephanou'nu kanunen tutabilirdi [[a]s antiquities smuggling is a serious crime, Turkish Cypriot police were legally able to detain Stephanos Stephanou without charge]' diye açıkladım. Kıbrıslı Türk Polisi'nin 'iyiniyetle [in good faith]' davranmasını inandım.
Başlangıçta, 'polisin mümkün gaddarlığı [possible police brutality]' bahsettim. Sonra, onun kız çocuğu, Katerina Liasis'in 'o "şiddetlice dövüldü ve sorgunlandı" [he had been "beaten heavily and interrogated"]' söylediğini alıntı yaptım (Brennan, 2008).
Atun/Anonymous (2010) Atun'un kaynağı, Kufi Seydali'ni Birleşmiş Milletler'in memurların Stephanos Stephanou'na ziyaret ettiği hakkında konuştu. Ben hiç bir zaman bu şeyi bahsetmedim. Apaçıkça, benim konuşmamın önce Seydali Stephanou'nun davasını bildi.
Türk Derin Devlet'in Stephanou'nu 'öldürdü [murder[ed]]' diye söyledim. Zamanım yok olduğunden kaynaklarımı alıntı yapmadım.
Kıbrıslı Yunan patolog Eleni Antoniou Stephanou'nun 'pataklama mağduru [victim of a beating]' olduğunu tanımladı (Kathimerini (2007) belirtildi).
During the official [Greek Cypriot] autopsy by Helen Antoniou here in our side she came out of the morgue and told [people]... that the deceased died from a heart attack probably caused by severe beatings with punches and possibly kicks (!) causing the ribs to break... making breathing impossible... leading to heart attack.Sonuç?
[Bizim tarafımızdaki Helen Antoniou'nun resmi [Kıbrıslı Yunan] otopsisinin süresinde, o morgdan dışarıya çıkıp [insanlar]a... ölü kâlp krizinden öldü, çünkü muhtemelce yumruklarla ve belki tekmelerle(!) ciddi pataklamalar kaburgaları kırdılar... [onun kaburgalarının kırıldığı] onun nefesi almasına engel oluşturdu... [ve onun engellemesi] onun kalp krizini başlattı.]
Yeterli açıklama ve düzeltmeyi verdiğimi umarım. Ancak, belki yardım etmeyecek. Seydalı (2010) Turkish Forum'da yorumladı ki:
Tabiiki, sizin siyasal heyecanlı hikâyenizi iletmeye devam edebilirsiniz ama benim dinliyor olmacağımı hiç bir zaman emin olmayacaksınız. [Of course, you may continue to deliver your polit-thriller but you will never be quite sure that I will not be listening to you.]Bibliography
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